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The Missile Crisis Plot to Kill JFK
The Missile Crisis Plot to Kill JFK
By Paul Bleau
Introduction
Comparative Case Analysis (‘CCA’), also known as ‘Similar Fact Analysis’, is a technique used in criminal intelligence analysis to identify similarities and support decision making (Dominik Sacha et al, 2017, originally published at The Eurographics Association).
Cases can be linked in CCA through any of the following:
a) Modus Operandi (or tactics, techniques, procedures)
b) Signatures and patterns
c) Forensic evidence
d) IntelligenceCCA is also a perpetrator profiling technique. By comparing seemingly similar cases, crime scenes, tactics, language, weapons, injuries, people of interest, and backdrops, templates can be defined and suspects identified.
CCA was never performed for the JFK assassination.
By comparing elements of what occurred in and around the murder of JFK and a November 1962 plot involving the use of incriminating letters purportedly sent from Havana by a Jose Pepe Menendez almost one year before the successful attempt, we will present compelling evidence of not only a conspiracy, but key parts of an m.o. and the identification of persons of interest.
Ask yourself the question: If it can be established that there is a clear connection between two plots to kill JFK, the successful one and another that occurred a year earlier, can one solve the murder by solving the preliminary plot?
Readers will be able to find all letters referred to by clicking here.
Summary
Near the end of November 1962, when the tensions around JFK’s handling of the Missile Crisis were at their highest and military hawks were opposed to their Commander in Chief, three letters from Cuba were intercepted. These letters, all bearing the signature Pepe, were fabrications designed to provide a paper trail that would frame potential patsies in the murder of JFK as leftists who were in league with Cuban agents.
As we will see later, their interception was made easy by design: The intended recipients could easily be portrayed as pro-Castro and were not even connected to the addresses on the letters. Those who picked up the letters in their place were CIA-friendly and certain to pass the information on to their intelligence contacts who were part of the JMWAVE network, controlled by CIA officer William Harvey. The FBI and the Secret Service considered these letters to be serious. They suspected that their interception was intended, and called the alleged sender of the letter, Pxepe Menendez, a suspect. This case was never solved and was closed on November 21, 1963, one day before the assassination.
In October 1963, Oswald and/or an imposter contacted Valeriy Kostikov, a KGB officer in the Russian Embassy in Mexico City, whom the CIA believed was in charge of executive action in the Western Hemisphere. After Kennedy was killed, at least three assets answering to CIA officer David Phillips offered false testimonies to link Oswald to Cuban agents.
Between the Mexico City incident and the assassination six weeks later, Oswald was linked to Kostikov and the Cubans in six incriminatory letters that were strikingly similar to the Pepe Letters in terms of style, content, phrasing, and propaganda strategy.
It is the similarity between the 1962 and 1963 false flag operation templates that renders the Pepe Letters affair so significant.
The Pepe Letters
In the process of reviewing the recent Latin American intel files at the Mary Ferrell Foundation, a series of them pertained to a prior plot that involved the use of incriminating letters to set up a patsy who would be blamed for the assassination of JFK and made to look as if he were a Cuban asset.
The first letter I analyzed was very telling.
- It was sent from Cuba to “Bernardo Morales” at a post office box in Miami owned by an anti-Castro propaganda unit called Radio Libertad, La Voz Anti-Communista de America. The alleged sender was Jose Menendez, and the letter was signed Pepe. Morales was unknown to those who handled the letter and who eventually forwarded it to a CIA contact linked to the JMWAVE station in Miami.
- The sender’s full name is Jose Menendez Ramos. He was nicknamed Pepe. Menendez and his wife Carrie Hernandez had been described by an informant as members of the Tampa FPCC. Menendez got a “top Job” in the Cuban Government after his return. He and his wife were said to be extremely pro-Castro.
- Olga Duque de Heredia de Lopez and Aida Mayo Coetara, Miami Representatives for Radio Libertad (linked to anti-Castro DRE operatives), handled the mail. Lopez handed the letter to Cesar Gajate, whom she described as an anti-Communist fighter. Mayo is the wife of Humberto Lopez Perez, the director of Radio Libertad in Venezuela.
- Gajate was an AMOT contact. AMOT is a cryptonym for a network of Cubans trained by David Morales at JMWAVE during 1960-61. He passed on the information to his contact (likely CIA officer Tony Sforza or David Morales, who answered to William Harvey).
- This was an elaborate hoax to push the “Cubans plan to kill JFK” narrative. One of the people pushing it – CIA’s Bill Finch, worked with Bill Harvey.
- The information was sent to the Secret Service, the FBI, and the Department of State on Dec. 8, and later to the INS by Rufus Horn of Task Force W and is signed by him as Liaison and in lieu of William Harvey.
- The INS identified a Morales who entered the U.S. using a fake visa.
- Radio Libertad was CIA-sponsored (which was also the case for Voice of America) and operated out of Venezuela. It had an antenna office in Miami.
- The letter is postmarked November 29, 1962, a month after JFK’s peaceful resolution of the Missile Crisis.
- It reveals a network of conspirators based in Miami, Washington, and Cuba.
- It lamely suggests that by sending the letter to the right-wing Radio Libertad, it would not be intercepted.
- It crudely links “Fidel” to a plot to kill JFK.
- It does not mince words and is self-incriminating: “if we are able to kill President Kennedy,” “It would be a great success, super extraordinary, for Fidel,” “Marxist-Leninists 90 miles from the U.S.,” “paralyze imperialism completely,” “terrorize capitalism”, “get in contact with your Friends”, “You are an artist”: all very similar to the 1963 letters we will discuss later.
The second letter, which was postmarked November 14, was sent to Antonio Rodriguez–a student at Georgetown’s foreign service school and the son of a Venezuelan diplomat–who was a chauffeur for Colonel Hugo Trejo. Trejo was a suspected intelligence contact from Venezuela and a Venezuelan military officer and politician who led the first attempt at a military rebellion against the president of Venezuela, Marcos Pérez Jiménez. Improperly addressed, Trejo advised the FBI about the letter.
Trejo said that the letter arrived at a Venezuelan Delegation office in Washington. The Secret Service, tipped off by an informant suspecting an assassination plot involving Trejo, questioned members of the delegation, including Trejo, Rodriguez, and others, about the letter.
“Antonio Rodriguez Jones’ address was crossed out in red ink and emerged from the Dead Letter Section with the address Antonio Rodriguez Gil, “2335 Ashmead Place NW, Washington, DC. The Secret Service eventually found “this was in error”.
This address was the base for the office of the Venezuelan delegation of the Inter-American Defense Board, an OAS institution, where Antonio Rodriguez Gil was a chauffeur.
The ostensible reason for the operation against foreign service student Antonio Rodriguez Jones was because his father was Antonio Rodriguez Echazabal, also a diplomat by trade. He was Cuba’s ambassador to Haiti as recently as 1959 before he defected in place in Haiti. He identified as anti-Communist but was not involved with any anti-Castro opposition group. In November 1962, Echazabal was living in Washington, DC and planning to defect to the United States. Echazabal was believed to secretly be a communist. When Echazabal was arrested and deported in August 1963, the “Cuban plot against the President” file was ostensibly closed, but new files kept going inside it.” (Bill Simpich email to Paul Bleau, Sept 6, 2025)
The letter refers to the assassination Cuba-linked plot in a similar fashion to the first Pepe letter discussed above, and was deemed to have been written by the same sender (Menendez) following FBI handwriting analysis.
Intelligence forces attempted to link Rodriguez to an alleged Cuban Terrorist named Pino Machado:
Who or what was the seed of the “Cuban plot? Perhaps Pino Machado, who was yet another diplomat, and formerly the alternate ambassador to Carlos Lechuga at the United Nations. The Secret Service believed Pino Machado would be near JFK at an April 1961 UN event, and his profile was described as dangerous because he might be armed and had a history of violence.
His crimes? A member of the July 26th Movement and imprisoned by Batista for sabotage activities until his fall. The anti-Castroites had accused Pino Machado of being involved in JFK’s death since the very beginning.
The FBI’s Chief of National Intelligence, Ray Wannall, noted here that a “Secret Service informant” (#3-11-48) claimed on 11/27/63 that Pino Machado was involved in “terrorism” in Washington, DC, back in April 1961. And that if there was an “international plot”, then Pino Machado was the “intellectual director” of Oswald’s activities in Mexico City. His subordinate Lambert Anderson had been monitoring both Oswald and the FPCC for months before 11/22/63.
Wannall accused Pino Machado of being in Mexico City in 1963, being involved in a plot to assassinate an anti-Castro leader at JFK’s dinner in Miami on 11/18/63, and the assassination of JFK himself. All of this bogus information–and much more over the months–was passed on to Miami Secret Service officer Ernest Aragon and his boss, John Marshall. JM/Wave’s Ted Shackley and Harvey had been studying Aragon as early as November 1962. By early December 1963, Aragon knew that a Pedro Charles letter was a fake. This was allegedly sent after the JFK murder from Cuba to Oswald, discussing the “affair” and Oswald’s marksmanship. Unfortunately, the man (FBI informant) I call “the other Ernest Aragon/it may have been an alias” working for the Cuban Revolutionary Council, who also served as Secret Service informant 3-11-14, turned it over to Bill Finch of the Miami CIA’s security division (who worked for William Harvey). This offers some understanding as to why Aragon reported security lapses and Marshall twice told the HSCA that he was concerned that the Secret Service might be involved in the assassination of JFK.” (Bill Simpich email to Paul Bleau, Sept 7, 2025)
The third Pepe letter was sent to: SEÑOR MINISTRO DE REPÚBLICA DE GUATEMALA in Guatemala. It does not refer to the assassination plot. It does attempt to link Cuba to clandestine revolutionary activities in the country. It made its way to the CIA.
The FBI suspected subterfuge around the flagrant errors in addressing all three letters.

(HSCA Report Volume 3 page 431)
Even Secret Service inspector Thomas Kelley admitted the letters were apparently “meant to be intercepted“.
The links with the 1963 letters and William Harvey (a person of extreme interest in the assassination) are most notable.
The 1963 forged letters
“Oswald’s” letter to the Russian Embassy on November 9, 1963
This uncharacteristically typed letter, purportedly written by Oswald, was intercepted by the FBI (as they did with all mail going to the embassy). This letter incriminated Oswald and foreign confederates and was corroborative of the Mexico City charade. It denigrates the “notorious FBI” and refers to Kostikov as “comrade Kostin.”
The Warren Commission accepted this letter as authentic and explained it as an awkward appeal by Oswald for help from the Soviet Embassy. In fact, the content and the timing of the letter suggest that it was part of the same stratagem designed by those behind the Mexico City set-up.
The fact that this letter was sent to Tovarich Nikolai Reznichenko at the embassy was a source of concern, even if the Oswalds corresponded with him several times in 1963. An FBI report (HSCA Record 180-10110-10104) clearly refers to him as “the man in the Soviet Embassy (Washington’s) in charge of assassinations.” In 1970, researcher Paul Scott had described him as “one of the top members of the Soviet Secret Police (KGB) in the United States.” (Paul Scott article)
Incriminatory letters from Cuba- 1963
Five letters from Cuba, all postmarked shortly after the assassination, one of which was destined for Oswald, were part of the Castro false flag operation and were also used to incriminate Oswald with unidentified Cuban agents, and Fidel Castro himself. These letters were addressed to recipients (Oswald, RFK, The Voice of America–a CIA propaganda asset), which guaranteed their interception or their being simply handed over to intelligence agencies.
They also corroborate the Mexico City fabrication, which very few people would have known about at this time. The FBI dismissed these letters as a hoax, which they were. But they were a hoax with a purpose: to blame JFK’s murder on the Russians and the Cubans. Their content and timing revealed the same tactics being used by the planners.
Letters from Cuba to Oswald—proof of pre-knowledge of the assassination
In JFK: The Cuba Files, Cuban G2 officer Fabian Escalante presents a thorough analysis of five bizarre letters that were written before the assassination in order to position Oswald as a Castro asset. It is difficult to sidestep them the way the FBI did. The FBI argued that they were all typed from the same typewriter, yet supposedly sent by different people. This indicated to them that it was a hoax, perhaps perpetrated by Cubans wanting to encourage a U.S. invasion.
However, the content of the letters and timeline proves something far more sinister, according to Cuban intelligence. The following is how John Simkin summarizes the evidence:
The G-2 had a letter, signed by Jorge that had been sent from Havana to Lee Harvey Oswald on 14th November, 1963. It had been found when a fire broke out on 23rd November in a sorting office. After the fire, an employee who was checking the mail in order to offer, where possible, apologies to the addressees of destroyed mail, and to forward the rest, found an envelope addressed to Lee Harvey Oswald. It is franked on the day Oswald was arrested and the writer refers to Oswald’s travels to Mexico, Houston and Florida …, which would have been impossible to know about at that time!
It incriminates Oswald in the following passage: “I am informing you that the matter you talked to me about the last time that I was in Mexico would be a perfect plan and would weaken the politics of that braggart Kennedy, although much discretion is needed because you know that there are counter-revolutionaries over there who are working for the CIA.”
Escalante informed the House Select Committee on Assassinations about this letter. When he did this, he discovered that they had four similar letters that had been sent to Oswald. Four of the letters were postmarked “Havana”. It could not be determined where the fifth letter was posted. Four of the letters were signed: Jorge, Pedro Charles, Miguel Galvan Lopez and Mario del Rosario Molina. Two of the letters (Charles & Jorge) are dated before the assassination (10th and 14th November). A third, by Lopez, is dated 27th November, 1963. The other two are undated.
Cuba is linked to the assassination in all the letters. In two of them, an alleged Cuban agent is clearly implicated in having planned the crime. However, the content of the letters, written before the assassination, suggested that the authors were either “a person linked to Oswald or involved in the conspiracy to execute the crime.”
This included knowledge about Oswald’s links to Dallas, Houston, Miami and Mexico City. The text of the Jorge letter “shows a weak grasp of the Spanish language on the part of its author. It would thus seem to have been written in English and then translated.”
Escalante adds: “It is proven that Oswald was not maintaining correspondence, or any other kind of relations, with anyone in Cuba. Furthermore, those letters arrived at their destination at a precise moment and with a conveniently incriminating message, including that sent to his postal address in Dallas, Texas …. The existence of the letters in 1963 was not publicized or duly investigated, and the FBI argued before the Warren Commission to reject them.”
Escalante argues: “The letters were fabricated before the assassination occurred and by somebody who was aware of the development of the plot, who could ensure that they arrived at the opportune moment and who had a clandestine base in Cuba from which to undertake the action. Considering the history of the last 40 years, we suppose that only the CIA had such capabilities in Cuba.”
The first letter addressed to Oswald includes: “close the business,” “money I gave you,” “recommend much to the chief,” “I told him (Castro) you could put out a candle at fifty meters,” “when you come to Habana.” Letter four specifies $7000 given to Oswald, which is close to what a Phillips-connected false witness claimed he saw being given to Oswald in Mexico City in the Cuban embassy. It also states that a Cuban agent named Pedro Charles “became a close friend of former Marine and expert shooter Lee H. Oswald in Mexico.”
Black Ops: ZRRIFLE and Black Letters
File 178-10004-10148 (released in 2025), from the Rockefeller Commission, discusses the use of this type of psy-war propaganda. This strongly indicates what all the letters discussed in this article are: Black Letters, i.e., forged incriminatory letters designed to create a phony paper trail to set up a foe:
Partial file content:



The Pepe Letters are too similar to the six 1963 incriminatory letters for this to all be happenstance. The tone, wording, and content, as well as the designed-to-be-intercepted expedition of all nine letters, incrimination targets, nature of the recipients, and the timing, can only be interpreted one way. These were Black Letters. They are the workings of specialized strategists who began plotting by November 1962 or earlier against JFK. They used psych-ops techniques, such as black letters. The letters supplemented other tactics that were in tune with the following part of Harvey’s ZRRIFLE: It also contemplates the need for false documentation within CIA files to protect the operation from exposure: “Cover: planning should include provision for blaming Czechs or Sovs in case of blow” and “Should have phony 201 in RI to backstop this, documentation therein forged and backdated. Should look like a CE [Counterespionage] file.”
Case Linkage
The assassination and the “Pepe” plot are not the only cases that should have been compared for clues that would help profile the plotters. On their own, they already provide compelling evidence of central coordination. Oswald’s opening of a Fair Play for Cuba Committee branch in New Orleans is already considered very suspicious by many in the research community. The Menendez links to the FPCC should set off alarm bells for all. This author’s chronicle of other potential patsies that were linked to this dying outfit–deemed to be Castro’s network in the U.S. by the House Committee on Un-American Activities–exceeded several in number. The newly found Menendez link is the topping on the cake.
Conclusion
At this point, the reader is encouraged to read the letters discussed in this article and peruse the other sources that can be found in the bibliography. If one concludes that the 1962 and 63 incidents are linked, then there is most likely a conspiracy involving central planning by those capable of implementing such tactics. Just as importantly, these events should be added to the growing body of evidence around CIA officers William Harvey and David Phillips, making them persons of even greater interest. Already suspected by some government investigation insiders, the proximity of Harvey to the Pepe Letters and Phillips’ links to Mexico City and the FPCC should not go unexplored. These letters have been for too long unexplored, but they are powerful evidence of a pre-existing plot against JFK.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Bill Simpich and Doug Campbell, who were the first to see the significance of the Pepe Letters. They, along with Dave Boylan, have provided valuable input to me regarding this still-developing story.
References
The PEPE Letters at Kennedysandking (all nine black letters are in the appendices) 25 January 2025
Exposing the FPCC, Parts 1, 2 and 3 at Kennedysandking.com,
The Three Failed Plots to Kill JFK at Kennedysandking.com, 18 November 2016
The CIA and Mafia’s “Cuban American Mechanism” and the JFK Assassination at Kennedysandking.com, 12 April 2018
Oswald’s Last Letter: The Scorching Hot Potato at Kennedysandking.com, 17 December 2019
Paul Bleau: “On the Trail of the Plotters” (Conference at UK Dealey Plaza)
Doug Campbell Lancer presentation 2020
Bill Simpich Education Forum 2025 My Summary of the Pepe Letters
The Following Files are at the Mary Ferrell Foundation:
104-10012-10022 Kostikov
104-10308-10249 PLOTS TO ASSASSINATE THE PRESIDENT OF THE U.S- Menendez, Gajate, FPCC
104-10506-10037 SURFACING OF LETTER DATED 27 NOV 1963 RE POSSIBLE PLOT TO ASSASSINATE PRESIDENT KENNEDY- 1976 distancing of Menedez
104-10308-10001 100-300-12 PLOTS TO ASSASSINATE THE PRES OF THE US
104-10506-10008 ROUTING SHEET AND DISPATCH: BERNARDO MORALES; THREATENING LETTER RE PRESIDENT KENNEDY
104-10506-10016 TRANSMITTAL SLIP AND MEMO: INFORMATION CONCERNING POSSIBLE PLOT TO ASSASSINATE PRESIDENT KENNEDY- William Harvey sender
104-10308-10272 Lt. Ramos: friendly with Fidel
104-10506-10003 GAJATE PUIG AS INTERMEDIARY
178-10004-10148 Description of how CIA uses Covert Black letters
104-10506-10015 This sheet confirms Gajate is an AMOT contact : ROUTING SHEET AND GREEN LIST NAME CHECK REQUESTS/RESULTS
180-10108-10017: ANTONIO GUILLERMO ROGRIGUEZ JONES.
124-10279-10069: No Title Hugo Trejo
HSCA Report, Volume III, Starting on Page 399: Analysis of the Pepe Letters
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Review of James Douglass’s New Book – Pt 3
Martyrs to the Unspeakable – Pt. 3
By James W. Douglass
Because James Douglass wrote an entire volume about the presidency and the assassination of John Kennedy, it is that case which gets the least attention in Martyrs to the Unspeakable. Which is a justifiable decision.
But, having said that, Douglass still does deal with JFK. He brings up the case first in its relation to our current troubles: That is, President Kennedy’s dispute with David Ben Gurion and Israel. (p. 10) This important issue is finally getting the attention it deserves through writers like Rick Stirling, Ken McCarthy, and Monica Wiesak. Douglass shows that, quite early, Kennedy was aware of the need for America to come to the aid of the Palestinians who had been impacted by the Nakba. He addressed the problem in 1951. (p. 10). Later on, the author shows that Kennedy never stopped supporting that cause. He was trying to pass a UN resolution to grant relief on November 20, 1963– one which Israel vociferously objected to. (pp. 64-67)
As Kennedy was about to enter the White House, he was alerted by the outgoing Secretary of State, Christian Herter, that there were rumors that Israel might be trying to build an atomic bomb. The problem mushroomed as Douglass notes, because “No American president was more concerned with the danger of nuclear proliferation than John Fitzgerald Kennedy.” (p. 11). The conflict between Kennedy and Prime Minister Ben Gurion began at their first, and only, head of state, face-to-face meeting at the Waldorf Astoria in New York in late May of 1961. At this meeting, Kennedy expressed his curiosity about the size of the atomic reactor at the Dimona site, but Ben Gurion insisted that it was only for desalination. Which, of course, was false.
Kennedy’s interest was in not starting an atomic arms race in the Middle East. (p. 14). Specifically, he thought the possibility existed that if Israel developed a bomb, the Russians would aid Egypt in doing the same. As Douglass notes, this canard by Ben Gurion would mushroom two years later into a direct confrontation, which would result in Ben Gurion’s resignation.
Douglass notes an important conversation that JFK had with Amos Elon, an American reporter for Haaretz. As early as 1961, Kennedy was realizing that the American/Israeli relationship was more useful to Tel Aviv than Washington. And he specifically said, “We sometimes find ourselves in difficulty due to our close relations with Israel.” The president said that the important thing was that the Israelis get along with the Arabs. And if that meant Israel adopting a neutralist stance, he would consider it. As long as there would be an Israeli/Arab settlement. (pp. 16-17)
Douglass now goes to another complicating factor in the Middle East equation. This was Kennedy’s attempt to forge a relationship with Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt. Before his meeting with Ben Gurion, Kennedy wrote to Nasser about a peaceful settlement to the Arab/Israeli conflict and also a viable solution to the Palestinian refugee problem, based on repatriation or compensation. (p. 17) This, as JFK knew, was very important to Nasser.
Ben Gurion was worried about Kennedy’s aim of regular inspection at Dimona. He even encouraged the prominent Jewish lobbyist Abe Feinberg to discourage Kennedy from insisting on this. But Feinberg reported back that Kennedy would not be thwarted. Therefore, as related by former Mossad chief Rafael Eitan, the Israelis built a phony control center over the real one at Dimona, “with fake control panels and computer-lined gauges.” The goal was to make it look like a desalination plant. To top it off, none of the American inspectors spoke Hebrew, which made it easier to conceal the camouflage. (p. 20)
This all escalated until May of 1963 when Kennedy insisted on scheduling full, unfettered and biannual inspections. And if these were denied, he was threatening to pull funding for Israel. After an exchange of four letters, Ben Gurion resigned. This allowed a delay to take place while a new prime minister was chosen. Two months later, the same ultimatum was issued to Levi Eshkol. Eshkol stalled on Kennedy’s request before agreeing to it. But Kennedy’s assassination then occurred, and, as in many other areas, Lyndon Johnson curtailed, stopped and then reversed Kennedy’s policy on both Dimona and the Palestinian refugee dilemma.
In fact, as Douglass writes later, there is evidence that CIA counter-intelligence chief James Angleton actually helped Israel produce its first bomb. Angleton ran the Israeli desk at the CIA. He helped by referring an English scientist named Wilfred Mann to the Israelis. But Angleton denied ever being involved with shipping fissionable materials. In other words, he wanted no part of the NUMEC scandal out of the Pittsburgh area. (p. 58; click here for that story https://consortiumnews.com/2020/08/05/25-years-of-cn-how-israel-stole-the-bomb-sept-11-2016/)
II
Bobby Kennedy did not forget his brother’s devotion to nuclear non-proliferation. He noted it prominently in his maiden speech in the Senate. In that speech, he specifically mentioned how Israel was a problem in this regard. Although they were little noted in the USA, the comments were noted prominently in Israel. Mainly because of RFK’s support of the IAEA, the International Atomic Energy Agency, which did inspections of nuclear plants. (p. 61) These types of professionals would likely have unearthed the Israeli ruse about Dimona. Tel Aviv wanted no part of that.
From here, Douglass shifts the focus to Sirhan Bishara Sirhan. Specifically to the lengthy—150 hours– hypnotic sessions sponsored by the legal team of William Pepper and Laurie Dusek. The late Harvard psychologist, Dr. Daniel Brown, concluded that Sirhan was one of the most susceptible hypnosis subjects he had ever encountered. Brown concluded that he was “…the perfect candidate.”(p. 69)
Sirhan had two disturbing events happen to him in rather close proximity to each other. The first was the death of his sister, who died of leukemia when he was 21. The second event was when he fell off a horse at Granja Vista Del Rio Horse Farm. Sirhan was treated at the Corona Community Hospital emergency room by a Dr. Nelson. He was discharged four hours later. But according to his brother, he was gone for two weeks. (Lisa Pease, A Lie Too Big to Fail, p. 434). Yet he only received four stitches over one eye. Both his mother and a friend tried to find out where he was. (Douglass, p. 73)
With Sirhan under hypnosis, Brown discovered that he was in a ward with no windows and with about seven other patients, all with head injuries. Doctors would approach him each day with clipboards, taking urine samples, and asking him how he felt. When he did return, those close to him detected a personality change; he was more reserved and argumentative. (Douglass, p. 74) But further, you only visit a doctor once to get four stitches removed. So why did Sirhan then visit a doctor 13 more times over the next year, from 1966 to December of 1967? (Pease, p. 435)
III
From here, Douglass goes into the RFK career and his murder. In my view, this was a real highlight of the book. For the Bobby Kennedy of 1968 was probably the most radical candidate for president since Henry Wallace. Douglass goes into RFK’s disputes with President Johnson on civil rights and Vietnam. For example, Marian Wright of the NAACP wanted to attract political attention to Mississippi, since so many African/American children were suffering from hunger. Bobby Kennedy did go down as part of a small sub-committee on poverty. He was greatly impacted by what he saw and wanted Johnson to declare a state of emergency–which he would not. From there, he went to Indian reservations, Appalachia and New York City ghettoes. He wanted to see firsthand what Michael Harrington called the Other America. (Douglass, p. 88)
When LBJ would not act on this issue, even after the riots of the summer of 1967, RFK decided that the man who could act was King. He told Marian Wright to tell King to bring the poor to Washington. So while in Atlanta, she did just that. And as she later said, “Out of that, the Poor People’s Campaign was born.” And King decided that this was then going to be the prime focus of his career. (Douglass, p. 91)
But, as Douglass points out, it was not just this joint opposition to poverty that was worrisome to the Powers That Be. It was also their mutual opposition to the Vietnam War. Kennedy had made a speech against that war in the Senate on March 3, 1967. Almost exactly one month later, on April 4th, King delivered his polemic at Riverside Church in New York.
Most people in this field are aware of President Kennedy’s conversation with Charles de Gaulle about the Vietnam War. What most people do not know is that the French president had a very similar conversation with Bobby Kennedy about the same subject. And Douglass describes it in detail in this book. (pp. 392-94) RFK took a European tour in late January and early February of 1967.
He had two important topics he wished to discuss with some of the leaders he met: atomic weapons and the Vietnam War. He quickly found out that each one of the emissaries he met with thought Johnson’s war policy in Vietnam was so misguided as to be termed mad. When RFK met with de Gaulle, they talked for over one hour. And the exclusive subject was Vietnam. The president reminded Bobby of the advice he had given his brother, namely that the USA should not go into Vietnam. He then said that by directly entering that conflict, America’s special place in the world—one of respect and admiration—had been torn to tatters:
The United States is in the process of destroying a country and a people. America says it is fighting Communism. But by what right does it fight Communism in another people’s country and against their will…. History is the force at work in Vietnam. The United States will not prevail against it. (p. 394)
When they walked to the door, with the 6’4” de Gaulle hovering over the 5’10” Kennedy, the French president gave the senator some sage advice:
Do not become embroiled in this difficulty in Vietnam. Then you can survive its outcome. Those who are involved will be badly hurt, because your country will tear itself apart over it. A great leader will be needed to put it back together and lead it to its destiny…. You must be that leader. (ibid)
How could anyone not be impacted by someone like this? De Gaulle was the man who risked his own life, many times, to get France out of Algeria. Something JFK had advised France to do back in 1957. Douglass had done us all a favor in describing this little-known meeting.
IV
Kennedy’s visit to France had some big blowback when he got back to the USA. There was an article in Newsweek saying that he had received a “peace feeler” from Hanoi while in Paris. The senator did not understand what the report was about, and he told his press secretary that. (p. 409)
What had happened is that on the same day that he had met with de Gaulle, he had a meeting with the Far East desk officer in the French Foreign Office. Kennedy was accompanied by a translator from the American embassy. The desk officer said that North Vietnam was willing to enter negotiations in return for an unconditional bombing halt. The senator did not think this was very important. But the translator did. He cabled his superiors in Washington about the story. And that is how it got in Newsweek. And from there it spread to the MSM, including TV.
President Johnson was quite offended by this story, as he took almost everything RFK did as a personal affront. He thought that Bobby had leaked the story in order to promote himself as a peacemaker. But it was even worse than that. Because Johnson–under the influence of his Vietnam overall commander, William Westmoreland—thought that he was on the verge of winning in Indochina.
When RFK got word of this MSM story, he wanted to straighten things out with the president. So he went to see Johnson. This was a mistake. Instantly, LBJ accused him of leaking the story. Kennedy replied with, “I didn’t leak it. I didn’t even know there was a peace feeler. I think the leak came from somebody in your State Department” (Douglass, p. 410)
Johnson took this reply badly. He said it was not his State Department. It was Bobby’s. Meaning that it was still filled with Kennedy loyalists.
Kennedy tried to change the subject. He offered him what his plan would be to settle in Vietnam: stop the bombing, go to the negotiating table, do a staged cease-fire and create a coalition government governed by an international commission to hold elections as a final solution.
About a year from Tet, Johnson was not in a state of mind to listen to any peace agreement. He made no bones about it either. He began with “There’s not a chance in hell I’ll do that.” Then it got worse:
I’m going to destroy you in six months. We’re going to win in Vietnam by the summer. By July or August the war will be over. You and every one of your dove friends will be dead politically in six months. You guys will be destroyed.
What is really kind of bizarre about this is that it appears that Johnson believed it. He really thought that General Westmoreland was giving him the right info and predicting the correct outcome. RFK had finally gotten a glimpse into Johnson’s real psyche about the most divisive conflict since the Civil War. He appropriately walked out. He now understood de Gaulle’s advice. There was only one way to end the war. Even if it meant the end of him.
V
I would like to close with two sterling episodes from the book.
The first is another conversation I had never seen before. This was between Bobby Kennedy and Giorgi Bolshakov in May of 1961. (pp. 469-70) Bobby called him in and told the Russian spy that his brother thought there could be a lot more cooperation between their two countries. But Jack was taking over from a former general, namely Eisenhower, as president. Therefore, he was stuck with people like Lyman Lemnitzer as chair of the Joint Chiefs and Allen Dulles as Director of the CIA.
Now recall, this was after RFK’s duty on the Taylor Commission investigating the Bay of Pigs. He understood how that debacle had occurred. He knew the CIA had deceived the president, and the Joint Chiefs had approved the operation. So he now delivered the punchline: His brother had made a mistake in not firing Dulles and Lemnitzer right away!
Again, I had never seen this quote before. If you ever wondered where Bobby Kennedy’s later radicalism came from, here it is. He would have gotten rid of Lemnitzer and Dulles on day one. He then expanded on this point:
These men make outdated recommendations and suggestions which are out of keeping with the president’s new course. My brother has been compelled to go by their mistaken judgments in decision making. Cuba has changed all our foreign policy concepts. For us, the events in the Bay of Pigs are not a flop, but the best lesson we have ever learned. So we are no longer going to repeat our past mistakes. (Douglass, p. 469)
RFK knew that this attitude by his brother would put a target on the president’s back: “They can put him away any moment. Therefore, he must tread carefully in certain matters and never push his way through.” This remarkable discussion—four hours’ worth– went on until nightfall. When RFK gave Bolshakov a lift home–at or after 10 PM, the Russian could barely sleep. The next morning, he cabled his summary to Moscow. This is what began the secret communications between JFK and Khrushchev. So intricately described in JFK and the Unspeakable.
If anyone has any knowledge of something similar to this happening since, I would like to hear it. I know nothing like it occurred during the Truman or Eisenhower administrations. It might have been possible under Gorbachev, but Reagan blew that opportunity. Thus paving the way for him to be deposed.
VI
As most of us know, the so-called Bobby Kennedy open and shut murder case was not open and shut. But there were signals at the start that the game was going to be rigged. For instance, as Roger LaJaunesse of the local FBI told Bill Turner, both he and the regular command of the LAPD were shoved aside almost immediately. The LAPD Chief of Detectives, Robert Houghton, installed an elite team of his own officers to run that investigation. It was called Special Unit Senator. And the two men who were in charge were Lt. Manny Pena and Sgt. Hank Hernandez. Both of them had ties to the CIA. And they did their best to keep that angle out of the trial and to censor any exculpatory material to the defense.
But it was actually even worse than that. Thomas Noguchi was the man who performed the autopsy on the senator. He wrote a 62-page report on his findings. The late pathologist Cyril Wecht once called it the finest piece of medico-legal reportage he had ever read. For whatever reason, Noguchi was the last person to testify for the prosecution. In his testimony, both his report and some photographs were admitted into evidence. As Noguchi was beginning to describe the damage to Robert Kennedy’s skull that was revealed during his examination, the lead defense lawyer objected. Grant Cooper said the following:
Pardon me, Your Honor. Is all of this detail necessary? I would object on the ground of immateriality. I hardly think that this testimony of the doctor is necessary in dealing with the cause of the man’s death. I am not suggesting, Your Honor please…this witness may certainly testify to the cause of death, but I don’t think it is necessary to go into details. I think he can express an opinion that death was due to a gunshot wound. (p. 377)
This is astonishing. Because it is Noguchi’s findings that exculpate Sirhan as the killer of Robert Kennedy. And here was Sirhan’s defense attorney handing the prosecution their guilty verdict on a silver platter. As anyone who has read some of the better books on the RFK case should know, all the projectiles that entered the senator were from behind, at upward angles, and at very close range. The wound that Noguchi was about to describe was at contact range, about 3 inches away. (Douglass, p. 388) Which means the gun was so close to the head that expelled particles had nowhere to escape into the air. So they created a tattoo ring on the rear of Kennedy’s skull. (Douglass, p. 387) Sirhan was never behind the senator, and no one ever said that his gun arm was aimed upward or that he was in point contact with the rear of Kennedy’s head.
So why would Grant Cooper object to having the best witness he could have testify to those particular elements of the crime scene?
The answer is simple: Johnny Rosselli. Cooper was serving as attorney for a cohort of Rosselli’s in the Friars Club case right before he took on the RFK case. Maurice Friedman was a Las Vegas frontman for the mob’s casino ownership. Both Friedman and Rosselli ran a card cheating ring at the club, which was frequented by some high rollers from the entertainment industry, like Phil Silvers. Because of the sophisticated cheating apparatus, Friedman won hundreds of thousands of dollars. Rosselli got a cut since it was on his mob turf. (Douglass, pp. 400-401)
But on July 20, 1967, the FBI raided the club. The ring was exposed, and Rosselli and Friedman were indicted. They were worried about being convicted, so they bribed a court reporter for the grand jury minutes in their case. A copy of Phil Silvers’ grand jury testimony was found on Cooper’s desk during the trial. At first, Cooper lied and said he had no idea where it came from. (Douglass, p. 404)
Cooper eventually came clean about what had happened. And it was clear he was facing an indictment. But the inter-agency task force on the Sirhan case was told that this decision would not be made until after the RFK trial. Well, after his less-than-zealous performance for Sirhan, Cooper ended up not being indicted. Defended by a member of the Warren Commission, Joseph Ball, Cooper got off with a slap on the wrist. And a mild one at that. He was fined a thousand dollars. (Click here for the decision https://caselaw.findlaw.com/court/ca-supreme-court/1827338.html)
It is quite difficult not to see this in tandem with his horrendous performance in defense of Sirhan. Where he actually stipulated to the prosecution’s evidence.
Jim Douglass has done a fine job in describing and then defining the epochal impact of the four high-level murders of the sixties. They were not the result of aimless violence by disturbed assassins. They were all cleverly worked out plots, and the net result was a large diversion of American history. Which does not get into textbooks. This book is a worthy successor to JFK and the Unspeakable.
The book is available here. Editor’s note: An advance copy was provided for this review. The prior link may also be used for preordering, with an expected release date of Oct 28.
Click here to read part 1.
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Russian Ambassador Hands Over 350 Page File
The Luna Committee is in receipt of a 350 page file from Moscow on the JFK case and Lee Harvey Oswald. They are translating it now. Read here.
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Anna Luna and a Progress Report
Congressowman Luna explains where her committee has gone and what still needs to be done. Read here.
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Review of James Douglass’s New Book – Pt 2
Martyrs to the Unspeakable – Pt. 2
By James W. Douglass
James Douglass was the only American print journalist in attendance at the entire civil trial in Memphis on the King case in 1999. He was there as a correspondent for Probe Magazine. Court TV was originally going to cover that proceeding, but according to Douglass, they pulled out just a couple of days before. The Memphis Commercial Appeal’s reporter on the King case was not allowed to attend. So he waited each day for Douglass to emerge in order to get the rundown on what happened. The jury in that trial found for the plaintiffs, the King family, against defendant Loyd Jowers. They decided that the King murder was the result of a conspiracy in which local tavern owner Jowers took part. Jim’s report was first published in Probe, and then excerpted in the anthology The Assassinations.
As with Malcolm X, J. Edgar Hoover was obsessed with the so-called rise of a Black Messiah. Therefore, he did everything he could to discredit King. The first charge was that King was really a secret communist who had infiltrators from Moscow amid his entourage. In fact, Stanley Levison was a private businessman who contributed to the CPUSA but had halted his contributions by late 1956. The FBI knew this, and they also knew that his evolving interest was in the civil rights movement. He was now going to turn his fundraising abilities to that cause. So the FBI tried to get him to return to the party as their informant. He turned them down. (p. 141) So Hoover tried another track: Levison was steering the civil rights movement for Moscow.
The other target for Hoover was Jack O’Dell. Again, O’Dell was a former member of the CPUSA who went to work for King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). Beginning in 1961, he was an associate editor for Freedomways, an African-American political journal. He was a good office organizer for the SCLC, especially out of New York.
As many commentators–like the late Harris Wofford–have noted, Hoover used these accusations of communist influence to drive a wedge between the Kennedys and King. As Douglass notes, the constant harangue by Hoover to expose King as a pinko with communist influences in his camp was, at least, partly successful. President Kennedy told King that if Hoover could prove he had two communists working for him, “…he won’t hesitate to leak it. He’ll use it to wreck the civil rights bill.” (p. 155). Kennedy had fallen for what was at least partly disinformation on Hoover’s part, and he asked King to jettison both men. The president was very sensitive to what Hoover could do to both himself and King. He said in a private conference, “If they shoot you down, they’ll shoot us down too. So we’re asking you to be careful.” (p. 156) King resisted this request on Levison and left the decision up to him. They decided to keep the relationship on a private basis. In 1963, he asked O’Dell to resign, which he did. But King continued to consult with him occasionally.
What makes this more interesting is that both men fully understood the pressure being brought to bear on all three men: both Kennedys and King. And they understood that whatever they could do for the SCLC, what the Kennedys could do was more important.
II
The problem was that the Kennedys had backed the March on Washington. Which turned out to be a smashing success. (pp. 160-61) This had been preceded by President Kennedy’s June 11, 1963, televised declaration on civil rights, the most powerful statement on the matter by any president since Lincoln. In other words, King’s actions, in tandem with the Kennedys, were becoming very potent on a national level. After a thorough study of the FBI files, writer Kenneth O’Reilly stated that the FBI’s,
…decision to destroy King was not made until the March on Washington demonstrated that the civil rights movement had finally muscled its way onto the nation’s political agenda. (p. 163)
Under even further pressure from Hoover, he got Robert Kennedy to approve a wiretap on the SCLC’s and King’s phones out of Atlanta. Why did RFK agree to do this? The deal was for thirty days. So “If the taps proved King innocent of Communist associations, then the FBI would have to leave him and Kennedy both alone.” (p. 164). The problem was, as RFK’s personal liaison with the FBI, Courtney Evans, noted:
…That the assassination of President Kennedy followed these events reasonably close in point of time, and this disrupted the operation of the Office of the Attorney General. ((p. 165)
If anything, that was an understatement. What happened after JFK’s murder is that Hoover ripped out Bobby Kennedy’s private line to his office. He knew that RFK would not be around very much longer. The rabid racist also knew that his neighbor, Lyndon Johnson, would now allow him much more freedom in his vendetta against King.
On December 23, 1963, a nine-hour meeting was held at FBI HQ to plan an intensive campaign against King. The aim was to use any technique in order to discredit the man. This included planting a good-looking female in his office:
We will at the proper time, when it can be done without embarrassment to the Bureau, expose King as an opportunist who is not a sincere person but is exploiting the racial situation for personal gain…. (p. 165)
The Church Committee adduced testimony that the aim was plain and simple: character assassination. Quite literally, no holds were barred. It was as if King were a dangerous KGB agent. And because Hoover oversaw the Bureau as a monarch, no one dared raise any questions of legality or ethics. It was all made worse when King was named Time magazine’s Man of the Year at the end of 1963. Now, with no one’s permission, the Bureau began to install hidden microphones in the rooms King would stay at on the road. (p. 168). In the spring of 1964, Hoover also got the influential syndicated writer Joseph Alsop to write a communist smear column against King. This was followed a week later by a similar article in the New York Times. (p. 170)
As he had been warned by President Kennedy, who was not around anymore, King immediately suspected Hoover was behind both pieces. At an airport press conference in San Francisco, he pretty much threw down the gauntlet:
It would be encouraging to us if Mr. Hoover and the FBI would be as diligent in apprehending those responsible for bombing churches and killing little children, as they are in seeking out allegedly Communist infiltration in the civil rights movement. (p. 171)
Hoover responded in kind. The tactic now shifted from the Levison/O’Dell angle—which proved to be pretty much a dry well—to the wiretaps and bugs in the hotels. Hoover began this practice at the Willard Hotel in Washington, DC in January of 1964. This campaign was ratcheted up even further when it was announced that King would be given the Nobel Peace Prize for 1964. In other words, one of the highest international honors was being bestowed on Hoover’s beta noire. Hoover retaliated in public against this by calling King “the most notorious liar in the country.” His assistant urged him to qualify that remark as being “off the record”, but Hoover would not. Hoover then doubled down and said King was “one of the lowest characters in the country” and he was being “controlled” by his communist advisors. (p. 173)
III
When King was alerted to this attack, he was on vacation in Bimini, preparing his Nobel Prize address. He replied with:
I cannot conceive of Mr. Hoover making a statement like this without being under extreme pressure. He has apparently faltered under the awesome burden, complexities and responsibilities of his office. (ibid)
That reply initiated the infamous blackmail tape and letter sent to the Atlanta SCLC HQ in late November of 1964. The entire letter was not found until 2014 by Yale historian Beverly Gage, and Douglass prints it in his book. (pp. 174-75) It is six paragraphs long. The letter is clearly complementary to the alleged taping. In the 4th paragraph, it says the following:
No person can overcome facts, not even a fraud like yourself. Lend your sexually psychotic ear to the enclosure. You will find yourself and in all your dirt, filth, evil and moronic talk exposed on the record for all time. I repeat—no person can argue successfully against facts. You are finished. You will find on the record for all time your filthy, dirty, evil companions, male and females giving expression with you to your hideous abnormalities….It is all there on the record, your sexual orgies…This one is but a tiny sample….King you are done. (pp. 174-75)
Toward the end, the letter states: “You are done. There is but one way out for you. You better take it before your filthy, abnormal, fraudulent self is bared to the nation.” (p. 175 ) The FBI mailed it from Miami about five days before Thanksgiving of 1964. But the package sat at the Atlanta headquarters for over a month. It was not opened until after King received his Nobel Prize in Oslo. And it was opened by King’s wife Coretta. She notified her husband, and he and his advisors immediately realized it was from the FBI.
There has been an ongoing debate over two matters in the package. The letter gave King a deadline of 34 days to act. Some believe that, considering when the package was mailed, this would mean Christmas. Others say it was timed for the Nobel Peace Prize honor, which was about two weeks earlier. The second matter was the aim of the package. The SCLC maintained it was for King to take his own life. The FBI, in the person of William Sullivan, who oversaw the composition of the letter, said they wanted King to resign, as they were already grooming his successor, one Samuel Pierce. (p. 169)
Whatever the timing, whatever the goal, King concluded correctly that the FBI was out to break him. Through their surveillance, the FBI knew he knew and told Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach that “King was emotionally distraught and feared public exposure.” (p. 179)
King decided to continue in his efforts, knowing that neither of the Kennedys was now in office and Hoover’s venom was virtually unfettered. He must have felt even more forlorn when Malcolm X was killed the next month. As some have noted, Malcolm was killed just two weeks before President Johnson sent the first combat troops to Vietnam.
IV
Johnson had escalated the war in Vietnam to heights that President Kennedy would have found appalling. By early 1967 there were nearly 400,000 American combat troops in theater. Johnson had activated the air campaign, Operation Rolling Thunder, to complement the combat troops. There ended up being more bomb tonnage dropped in Indochina than had been disposed of during World War II; by a factor of 3-1, the ratio was not even close. The problem was that the bombing campaign inevitably included civilians, since, unlike Germany, Vietnam did not have a highly concentrated industrial base.
In January of 1967, King was looking at a Ramparts magazine photo/essay entitled “The Children of Vietnam”. Many of the pictures showed little children in a hideously burned state. The article was by attorney William Pepper. King then met with him, and Pepper showed him more photos. It moved King to now begin a sustained assault on Johnson’s prosecution of the war. His first speech was in Los Angeles on February 27th, called “The Casualties of the War in Vietnam”. This was followed up by the more famous address at New York’s Riverside Church on April 4, 1967. As Douglass appropriately notes, a year later, King was dead.
There were those—like Ralph Bunche– who advised against King taking on the war. But King thought it was hypocritical to send African-American troops to fight in Vietnam for rights that some did not have at home; and to kill so many innocent civilians along the way.
Another aspect that made King determined to speak out on Indochina was that he had done so in 1965, and then backtracked. At that time, he said that Johnson had a serious problem in this regard because “The war in Vietnam is accomplishing nothing.” (p. 351) About a month and a half later, in April of 1965, he told some journalists in Boston that the United States should end the war. On July 2, 1965, in Petersburg, Virginia, King said that the war must be halted and a negotiated settlement should be achieved. (p. 352). But the SCLC board members did not want King to continue in this vein.
So King instead had a meeting with UN Ambassador Arthur Goldberg in September to voice his concerns and urge Johnson to negotiate a truce. King even suggested that it would be possible to bring the Chinese into the negotiations. Both Goldberg and Senator Thomas Dodd voiced opposition to these types of talks. (pp. 355-57) And Dodd went further by saying King had no knowledge to speak on matters so complex as Indochina, and further, he was undermining Johnson’s foreign policy. King thought Johnson had put Dodd up to this criticism.
As others, Douglass sees King’s decision to return to the Vietnam issue, coupled with the stirrings of the Poor People’s March, as raising his targeting from character assassination to outright elimination. As per the latter, what King ultimately hoped to gain from the Washington demonstrations was the following:
- A full employment program
- Guaranteed Annual Income
- Funding for 500,000 annual units of low-cost housing (p. 310)
King wanted to do in Washington what he did in Birmingham. Through peaceful civil disobedience, he would tie up the city and force its leaders to act on his proposals. But King was going to go even further and unite the two goals:
After we get to DC and stay a few days we’ll call the peace movement in and let them go on the other side of the Potomac and try to close down the Pentagon, if that can he done. (p. 311)
King was now talking about closing down both Congress and the Pentagon. The reader should recall that this is on FBI tapings. As Bernard LaFayette, a coordinator of the Poor People’s Campaign, later said, “You see, the Poor People’s Campaign was clearly economic rights. Now, it’s not low volume; it’s high volume.” (ibid). Or as Vincent Harding, the man who drafted King’s Riverside speech, later said: King was moving in “some radical directions that few of us had been prepared for.” He clearly suggested that this necessitated his assassination. (p. 314)
V
James Earl Ray escaped from prison in late April of 1967. After working as a dishwasher for a couple of months, he stashed enough money to buy an old car and crossed the border to Montreal, Canada. There, at the Neptune Tavern, he met a man he knew simply as Raul. Although Ray had been attacked for creating this character, a witness who testified at the 1999 King trial confirmed it. Seaman Sidney Carthew also met Raul at the same bar. And he saw him with Ray. (pp. 339-40)
As Douglass describes it, Ray’s partnership with Raul ended up being a minor gun-running and drug-smuggling operation. It went from Canada to the USA, particularly California, and then to Mexico, and back to the southern part of the USA, ending with Ray being asked by Raul to go to Memphis and buy a rifle. But it was the wrong one. So Raul ordered him to go back and buy another one. As attorney Arthur Hanes testified at the King trial, it was that rifle which was dropped at the door of Canipe’s novelty shop a few minutes before the actual assassination. And that would be the weapon Ray was charged with in killing King. (p. 340) Even though that rifle was never calibrated for accuracy.
Perhaps the most remarkable aspect of Ray’s journeys after his escape is his use of multiple identities, i.e., Eric Galt, Ramon George Sneyd, Paul Bridgeman and John Willard. As Philip Melanson originally noted, all four lived in a suburban area of Toronto; and within a five-mile radius of each other. But beyond that, three of the aliases—Galt, Bridgeman, Sneyd—approximated Ray’s general appearance, that is, in height, weight and hair color. Further, there is no evidence that Ray had been to Toronto before the assassination of King.
What makes this even more startling is that Ray signed the Galt alias with the wrong middle name of ‘Starvo’, which came from a scrawl Eric used for ‘St. V’, which actually stood for St. Vincent. But here is the capper: “When Galt shortened it to the initial ‘S’ Ray… did the same.” (p. 341) As Douglass concludes, only someone with access to Galt’s security file at Union Carbide, where he worked, could have known about these nuances.
Douglass now moves to the preparations made for the King’s murder. First, King’s normal all-African-American security team was removed the morning of his arrival. The replacement team of caucasian guards was then removed late in the afternoon, about an hour before the shooting. Two black officers from the fire station across the street were reassigned to different stations for that day. The tactical police units around the Lorriane Motel, where King stayed, were moved back earlier on April 4th. The first three negated any security, and the last made it easier for an escape. (pp. 343-44)
Was it even more prepared for than that? The reason King returned to Memphis was because, in his first visit there, about a week earlier, there was a raucous disturbance in the demonstration. That disturbance was caused by the Invaders, an African American youth group modeled on the Black Panthers. (p. 448) A prominent member of that group was Marrell McCullough, who was later uncovered as a police informant and then worked a long career as a CIA officer.
When King decided to return, the FBI then put out a story that on his original visit, he ignored the Lorraine, which was black owned. He had stayed at the Holiday Inn motel, which was white owned. Therefore, King was initially booked into an interior courtyard room at the Lorraine for his return. Someone, no one knows who, had that room switched to a street-level room. It would have been difficult to assassinate King in that first room. The room on the street made it easier. (pp. 448-49)
On the day of the murder, Raul delivered a rifle to Loyd Jowers’ eatery, Jim’s Grill. The back door opened up to a bush area across from the Lorraine. There is a dispute as to where the shot that killed King originated. At least two credible witnesses say it did not come from the flophouse where Ray was booked at. It came from that bushy area, and Douglass agrees with that. But the point remains, those bushes were inexplicably cut down early the next morning. (p. 455)
As the reader can see, there is good reason that the MSM did not cover the Jowers/King trial in 1999. Because they suspected that the King family would win out. Which they did. Jim Douglass does a good job presenting that evidence, which helped Bill Pepper win a judgment.
Next: JFK and RFK are eliminated. Click here to read part 3.
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Review of James Douglass’s New Book – Pt 1
Martyrs to the Unspeakable – Pt. 1
By James W. Douglass
In 2008, James Douglass published JFK and the Unspeakable. That book became, more or less, an instant classic in the field. One reason being that Douglass did something quite unusual. Instead of having Kennedy’s presidency as a backdrop to his assassination, he made his assassination a backdrop to his presidency. But, beyond that, Douglass delved deeper into that presidency than virtually anyone in the field had done. He brought in things that had not been studied before, and he dug further into aspects that had been gone over previously. With those explorations, he made the case as to why President Kennedy was assassinated.
Douglass appropriately ended his fine book with the fact that both Bobby Kennedy and Jackie Kennedy knew what happened to JFK. And, through envoy William Walton, they communicated to Moscow that the John Kennedy/Nikita Khrushchev attempt at détente would now have to be placed on hold; but Bobby Kennedy would soon resign, run for office, and then run for the presidency. At that time, the quest could be resumed.
The Douglass book struck a chord with the public. After Oliver Stone endorsed it on television, sales zoomed upwards. It was then picked up by Touchstone, which was a division of Simon and Schuster. In all formats, it has sold well over 100,000 copies. It is the rarest of JFK books in that it was both a critical and commercial success. (Click here for my review https://www.kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-reviews/jfk-and-the-unspeakable-by-james-w-douglass)
At the time of that book’s publication, Douglass was supposed to pen a trilogy about the major assassinations of the sixties. The second book was going to be about the Malcolm X and Martin Luther King assassinations. The third was going to focus on the Robert Kennedy murder. Since the road to completion took 17 years—interrupted by his book on the life and death of Gandhi–the decision was made to collapse them into one volume. So we now have Martyrs to the Unspeakable.
II
Douglass begins the book with a pungent quote from Malcolm X:
It’s a time for martyrs now. And if I’m to be one, it will be in the cause of brotherhood. That’s the only thing that can save this country. I’ve learned it the hard way. But I’ve learned it. And that’s the significant thing. (p. xvii, p. 459)
This is one of the sub-themes of the book. One lurking not far below the surface and infrequently but explicitly mentioned: Namely, that all four men understood that they were in danger, they were gambling with their lives in advocating the paths they were taking. Malcolm, with his UN resolution condemning America for human rights violations against African-Americans; King, in his organizing of the Poor People’s March on Washington; JFK, in his quest for détente with Cuba and Moscow; and Bobby Kennedy, with his impending victory in the Democratic primary and his pledge to end the Vietnam War. (Douglass points out the little-known fact that the Poor People’s March was Bobby Kennedy’s idea. p. 90)
Explicitly, Bobby Kennedy told Walter Fauntroy that “…there were guns between me and the White House.” (p. 97). He said about his brother that if the Russians did not meet his attempts at détente halfway, “…his enemies may go to any length, including killing him….” (p. 502)
JFK said the same thing about himself. He was once asked why he did not move faster for a rapprochement with Moscow. He replied: “You don’t understand this country. If I move too fast on US/Soviet relations, I’ll either be thrown into an insane asylum or be killed.” (p. 503)
I do not have to tell the reader about King predicting his own death the night before he was assassinated. Why was there this impending doom? Douglass underscores that what these four men were striving for was simply too radical for the national security complex to tolerate. Therefore, they had to be done away with before they could succeed. It is important to note that it was only during John Kennedy’s presidency that all four men were alive and operating at their peaks. As I have noted elsewhere, there was more done on civil rights in those three years than had been achieved in the prior three decades. (Click here and scroll down https://www.kennedysandking.com/reviews/the-kennedys-and-civil-rights-how-the-msm-continues-to-distort-history-part-3) For that reason 1.) There could be no Kennedy dynasty, and 2.) There could be no confederation, which was impending, between Malcolm and King.
III
The book is structured into three major headings. Part One is called The Witness. Part Two is called The Way. Part Three is titled The Why.
In the first part, we see certain policies being advocated by the four major players. For instance, Malcolm going international with a meeting with Achmed Sukarno in 1957 (p. 113); hearing Patrice Lumumba speak at Howard University in July of 1960 (p. 123); his arrangement to have Castro take a room at the Hotel Theresa, and his meeting there with him after midnight on September 19, 1960. (p. 125) This last caused quite an uproar in Harlem since the Cuban leader was going to be charged a $20,000 deposit at the Shelburne Hotel. By the time Malcolm made the arrangements to switch hotels, there were 2,000 people waiting in the rain, fully understanding why the Cuban leader was being forced out of downtown:
To Harlem’s oppressed ghetto dwellers, Castro was that bearded revolutionary who had thrown the nation’s rascals out and who had told white America to go to hell. (p. 125)
What these instances did was to broaden both the appeal of Malcolm, and also his intellectual horizons. Malcolm was now not just a regional figure in the USA, but he was seen as associating with figures on the world stage. And these men happened to be striking figures in the rising Third World. But then this was all topped. Because Nikita Khrushchev happened to be in New York, and he decided to join Castro at the Hotel Theresa:
By going to a Negro hotel, in a Negro district, we would be making a double demonstration: against the discriminatory policies of the United States of America toward Negroes, as well as toward Cuba. (p. 126)
Malcolm had helped arrange a slap across the face to the Establishment. And make no mistake, they did not like it.
The Cuban leader’s diplomatic triumph over the US government in Harlem was a dramatic counterpoint to his UN speech. It was facilitated by Malcolm X. When US intelligence agencies focused their attention on Fidel Castro in New York, they discovered Malcolm X standing right beside him, welcoming Fidel and the Cuban revolution to Harlem. By joining forces with Fidel, Malcolm, too, had become a target. (p. 129)
As Douglass notes, the CIA/Mafia plots to kill Castro began around this time. (p. 128) But as someone close to Malcolm also noted, this meeting with Castro began to divert Malcolm’s thinking away from the narrow restrictions of his loyal service to the Nation of Islam and its leader, Elijah Muhammad, e.g., black power, black nationalism, and racial separation. He began to see that there were other oppressed groups like American Indians, Chicanos and Hispanics, and theirs could be a common struggle. (ibid)
There were two other elements that began the notorious split between Malcolm and the Nation of Islam (NOI). There was the matter of Malcolm’s inquiries about Elijah Muhammad’s numerous infidelities. (p. 254) Which Malcolm felt were unbecoming for a Holy Man. And there was his Hajj, which ended up lasting much longer than planned, and with Malcolm visiting countries outside the Middle East, including France and Egypt. He then visited Africa again. All told, he went to Africa three times. He became a member of the Organization of African Unity, and adapted it in the USA as the Organization of Afro-American Unity. Which he saw as a Pan African group extending to the USA. (p. 242) Further, he could use their leaders to facilitate his aim at bringing about a UN resolution condemning American treatment of blacks. As he said:
You must realize that what I am trying to do is very dangerous, because it is a direct threat to the entire international system of racist exploitation. It is a threat to discrimination in all its international forms. (p. 244)
IV
One last element that had caused Malcolm’s split from NOI was his suspension after his perceived inappropriate remarks upon the murder of President Kennedy, which he called the chickens coming home to roost. This suspension was originally for 90 days. But it lasted longer, and Malcolm tended to look at it as personal since he was getting more attention as a NOI representative than Elijah was.
When Malcolm went on his Hajj, he now began to see that there were all kinds of people visiting Mecca, many of them Caucasian with blonde hair and blue eyes. Which also began to make him question the fundamental tenets of NOI and whether it really was Muslim at all. So he decided not just to split from NOI but to convert to Sunni Islam and form the Muslim Mosque. All these elements did not endear him to Elijah or his followers, like Louis Farrakhan.
In fact, he wrote a letter to a NY Times reporter where he noted that he now regretted the 12 years he had spent in NOI, and called it a “pseudo-religious philosophy”. He then capped that with this:
I shall never rest until I have undone the harm I did to so many well-meaning, innocent Negroes, who through my own evangelistic zeal, now believe him more fanatically and more blindly than I did. (pp. 245-46)
It is appropriate to note that years before he became Vice President, Lyndon Johnson had a talk with J Edgar Hoover of the FBI. Hoover said they would not have a problem if they could get these black leaders fighting among themselves to the point they would kill each other off. (p. 241) Although they were likely speaking of King and Malcolm, there is no doubt that Hoover later adapted this divide-and-conquer philosophy to other African American groups, most successfully with the Black Panthers. In fact, there is plentiful evidence that Hoover used this technique in exacerbating and inflaming the split between the NOI and Malcolm. This was done through placing informants in both camps and a clear agent provocateur against Malcolm in the NOI camp. The latter was John Ali. (pp. 249-250)
Ali began with Malcolm in New York in 1958. The next year, Malcolm recommended him to the NOI headquarters in Chicago. That was a recommendation that he came to strongly regret. When Elijah Muhammad moved to Phoenix for health reasons, Ali essentially took over the Chicago HQ. He even got Malcolm’s brother to read a prepared statement denouncing Malcolm and accusing him of being mentally unbalanced. (p. 272) Elijah essentially called for his elimination with this: “Elijah Muhammad said they had better close his eyes.” In early 1964, the message went out that Malcolm had to be liquidated. (p. 256)
But this could not have succeeded without help from the CIA, the FBI and the NYPD. The last was through their undercover intelligence group called BOSSI. Douglass does a nice job outlining all of this. There was a previous attempt to murder Malcolm by poison in Cairo. Malcolm was rushed to the hospital and had his stomach pumped. Malcolm had retroactively recognized his waiter, who afterwards had disappeared. Malcolm concluded, “I know that our Muslims don’t have the resources to finance a worldwide spy network.” (p. 427). But further, after an engagement in London on February 9th, he flew to Paris to make another speech. At Orly Airport, the French police intercepted him and said he was not allowed to enter France. Why? Because French intelligence had been told, “That the CIA planned Malcolm’s murder, and France feared he might be liquidated on its soil”, and they did not want that to occur on their watch. (p. 437)
On February 14, 1965, Malcolm’s home in Queens, which was in dispute between him and the NOI, was firebombed. A day later, BOSSI undercover agent Gene Roberts witnessed a dress rehearsal for Malcolm’s murder. Roberts then predicted to his superiors that the real assassination would take place the following Sunday. Hoover had Malcolm monitored for the last 17 days of his life and had an agent at BOSSI each and every day during that time. He had to know this. (pp. 440-41, p. 450)
V
As Douglass notes, one of the most tragic aspects about the murder of Malcolm is that not only was he breaking from NOI, he was trying to forge a relationship with King. One complaint Malcolm had with Elijah Muhammad was that the Nation of Islam would not do anything in public unless it impacted one of their own. They basically sat out the whole civil rights movement. So once he split with the Nation of Islam, Malcolm journeyed to the epochal Selma demonstration in early February of 1965. The talk that he was coming had barely started when he arrived at a meeting of the SCLC and SNCC workers. Coretta King was in attendance while her husband was in jail. He told her, “I have not come to Selma to cause difficulty for Dr. King. I only want to show support.” (p. 435)
When Malcolm spoke at the Brown Chapel that afternoon, he leaned over the podium and said to the media in front, “You had better listen to Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., or you will have to listen to me. Dr. King wants the same thing I want—Freedom!” (p. 436) Unfortunately, this was not to be. For Malcom would be dead in a little more than two weeks.
On the morning of February 21st, Malcolm was on the phone with his sister. He said, “Ask Allah to guide me, because I feel they may have me doomed for this day.” She said, “Not this day.” Malcolm replied, “Yes, this day.” (p. 451) Making this even more prophetic, Malcolm refused to allow his guards to search people coming into his talks. One of his escorts resigned over this policy after telling him he was going to be killed.
Once the warning came in from Roberts about the dress rehearsal and the day it would occur, the NYPD should have been in the Audubon ballroom and ready to detect and stop the attempt. They were not and did not. They placed their men in rooms away from the ballroom. And they were not allowed to move in that direction unless given radio permission to do so. But when the shots rang out, the walkie-talkies went dead. Therefore, the police ended up entering the scene fifteen minutes after the murder. (pp. 449-450)
In other words, egged on by the FBI and allowed to proceed by the NYPD, Malcolm was killed by a NOI plan that the authorities specifically knew about in advance. In other words, it was allowed to happen. Douglass has done a fine job on the relatively ignored case of the assassination of Malcolm.
Next: The Murder of Martin Luther King. Click here to read part 2.
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Letter to Congresswoman Luna Concerning JFK Records Collection Act
September 29, 2025
Via Federal Express Overnight Courier & Email
U.S. House Representative Anna Paulina Luna
Florida’s Thirteenth Congressional District
9200 113th St. N., Office Suite 305
Seminole, Florida 33772U.S. House Representative Anna Paulina Luna
226 Cannon House Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20515Re: Task Force on the Declassification of Federal Secrets (“Task Force”) – Compliance with JFK Records Act
Dear Congresswoman Luna,
We applaud the vital work of your Task Force on the Declassification of Government Secrets, especially the recent release of over 2,500 JFK records. While these are invaluable steps forward, we are writing to address critical issues of non-compliance with the President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection Act of 1992 (“the JFK Act” or “Act”). The issues discussed herein have festered and grown for almost 27 years due to actions and inactions by the National Archives and Records Administration (“NARA”), the conduct of the Archivist of the United States (“Archivist”), along with a glaring lack of Congressional oversight. We believe it is essential for the final report of the Task Force (“Final Report”) to include recommendations designed in the public’s interest to reinvigorate compliance with the Act, and address requirements of the Act that have clearly been violated.
The JFK Act was unanimously passed by Congress as a clear mandate from the people to create an “enforceable, independent, and accountable” process for public disclosure. We have prepared the following recap of the Act’s unique powers, followed by our observations and recommendations that we believe will correct almost three decades of improper administration and restore the integrity of the JFK Records Collection (“Collection”).
I. Critical Elements of the Act That Seemingly Have Been Forgotten
The JFK Act is a unique and powerful piece of legislation, purpose-built by Congress because traditional processes impinged by unguarded influence from agencies had been deemed by Congress to prevent transparency and the timely disclosure of assassination records. The JFK Act’s exceptional legal framework established a distinct status for this Collection that seems to have been forgotten. Key elements include:
• A Presumption of Full Disclosure: The Act reversed the standard government posture of secrecy, creating an immediate presumption that every assassination record would be released, except in the rarest of cases.
• Binding and Enforceable Orders: The Assassination Records Review Board (“ARRB”) was granted unprecedented declassification powers that resulted in the issuance of approximately 27,000 Final Determination Notifications (FDNs), which are final and legally binding and enforceable agency orders, not mere recommendations. FDNs are carefully crafted orders setting forth how each individual record in the Collection was to be released, and when. The ARRB staff, some thirty years ago and in consultation with agencies, crafted final disclosure decisions and disclosure criteria for each individual postponed record. This fact, along with the existence of the FDNs themselves, has seemingly been lost in recent discussions on the status of the Collection, and at a critical point in time. FDNs are assassination records and are thus mandated by the Act to be publicly disclosed in the Collection at NARA. As of today, virtually all of the FDNs are not publicly available, despite multiple FOIA requests. Increasing the concern and urgency is the fact that the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals recognized that, without the FDNs, the public has effectively been denied its right to judicial review of actions taken (or required to be taken) under the JFK Act.
• A Ministerial Duty for the Archivist: The Act stripped the Archivist of any discretionary power, assigning a purely “ministerial and non–discretionary duty” limited to periodically reviewing and releasing records on the dates mandated by the ARRB under the stipulations set forth in the FDNs. This was a very important part of the Act.
• Supremacy Over Other Laws: The JFK Act was designed to reign supreme over all other statutes, court decisions and executive orders that would otherwise prohibit the transmission or disclosure of assassination records [See §11(a), JFK Act].
With the above in mind:
II. Ten Observations About the Current State of the JFK Records Act
This section summarizes the critical problems preventing the JFK Act from functioning as Congress intended.
1. The Act’s Core Principles Are Not Being Followed: The Act created a framework for an “enforceable, independent, and accountable” process. The lack of oversight since the ARRB ceased operations in 1998 has undermined these core tenets and led to unauthorized delays and a lack of transparency. Many examples of how these principles have been violated are self-evident, as noted throughout this document.
2. Binding Legal Orders: Final Determination Notifications (FDNs) Are Critical and Almost Completely Hidden: The ARRB issued approximately 27,000 separate binding orders (FDNs) specifying when postponed records must be released. These FDNs are the legal backbone for enforcing the Act. Remarkably, NARA has made less than 2% of them public, making a full audit of compliance impossible and possibly complicating the identification of missing records.
3. Congressional Oversight Has Been Absent: The JFK Act explicitly mandates that House and Senate committees have “continuing oversight jurisdiction”. [1] Despite this, in over 30 years, these committees have failed to hold a single hearing on the matter. As a result, failures of the Archivist to perform mandatory ministerial duties required by the Act have gone undetected and unchallenged, resulting in decades of disclosure delays and public mistrust.
4. Recent Presidential Actions Are Insufficient Without the JFK Act: While President Trump’s Executive Order 14176 (January 23, 2025, the “Executive Order”) resulted in the release of over 2,500 records, it is not a complete solution. The Executive Order lacks the enforceable mechanisms of the JFK Act and cannot ensure full disclosure without a complete audit of the JFK Collection, which begins with locating and disclosing the ARRB’s FDNs and the mandatory creation of a searchable directory and index. Certain audit procedures would be highly beneficial and are further discussed below.
5. A Complete, Searchable Directory and Index is Urgently Needed: One of the most critical failures to date, is the Archivist’s duty to publish a comprehensive, searchable directory and index of all assassination records ever transmitted to NARA. No such directory or index is known to exist, and if it does, it has not been publicly disclosed. This would reveal what has been released, what is withheld, and what may have been suppressed or buried for whatever reason. An audit should be conducted which reconciles a final comprehensive index of records produced by the ARRB–at the moment the ARRB handed its reviewed collection over to NARA–to a similar index maintained at NARA. This is a critical step in accounting for all known records and how they were handled. It most certainly would reveal records currently missing from the Collection that were present at the sunset of the ARRB, as well as detecting specific records that were withheld from ARRB review.
6. Thousands of Records Were Never Reviewed by the Independent ARRB: Testimony from former ARRB Chairman Judge John Tunheim on May 20, 2025 reveals that many recently released records were never shown to the ARRB. Agencies appear to have transferred these records to NARA after the ARRB ceased operations in 1998, circumventing the independent review process mandated by Congress. We have identified assassination records with Record Identification Form (RIF) numbers and identification aids that corroborate Judge Tunheim’s important testimony. [2]
7. Perceived Lack of Clarity on Enforcement of Remaining Withheld Records. Certain records in the Collection were never subject to a review by the ARRB. Many of these records are still being withheld by NARA. President Trump’s Executive Order has now declared that continued withholding of any Assassination Record is not in the public interest, and that full disclosure is long overdue. By virtue of their delivery to NARA, these records are deemed Assassination Records. Therefore, in our opinion, the current enforcement mechanisms of the JFK Act apply.
8. The Archivist’s Role is Ministerial, Not Discretionary: The JFK Act bestows upon the Archivist a “ministerial and non-discretionary duty” to release records according to the dates and stipulations mandated in the ARRB’s FDNs. NARA’s authority under the JFK Act is limited to periodic review of the ARRB’s final release decisions as certified by President Clinton. NARA’s authority does not include handling postponement requests from agencies or negotiations with agencies regarding postponements.
9. The JFK Act Reigns Supreme: The Act takes precedence over all other laws, court decisions and executive orders regarding the disclosure of assassination records. Presidential authority to override an ARRB determination expired 30 days after the ARRB issued an FDN, and President Clinton waived this right entirely. Under section 9(d)(1) of the Act, President Clinton was the only President with the time-limited authority to override an ARRB Final Determination and he did not do so.
10. The Collection Cannot Be Certified as Complete: Until a full directory and index is created and all records are released according to the law, the Archivist of the United States cannot legally certify to the President and Congress under the JFK Act that all assassination records have been made available to the public. The Act must therefore remain in full force and effect. The failure to provide a full and complete directory and index of records makes such a certification legally impossible.
III. Ten Recommendations for Action
Based on these observations and findings, we respectfully request that the Final Report of the Task Force include the following recommendations to ensure that NARA achieves full compliance with the JFK Act.
1. Publish All Final Determination Notifications (FDNs): Require the Archivist to comply with the law and to immediately locate and release digital copies of all FDNs issued by the ARRB (approximately 27,000). This is an essential first step for any audit of compliance.
2. Create and Publish a Comprehensive, Searchable Directory and Index: Require the Archivist to comply with the law and produce and publish a complete, uniform digital directory and index of each assassination record ever transmitted to NARA. This is a mandatory and non-discretionary duty under the Act.
3. Ensure the Directory and Index Accounts for All Record Groups: The directory and index must identify records transferred to NARA a) before the Act was passed; b) those reviewed during the ARRB’s operation; and c) those transferred to NARA after the ARRB terminated operations in 1998.
4. Release a Full Directory and Index of All Identification Aids: Require the Archivist to comply with the law and release a complete digital directory and index of up-to-date Identification Aids for each record, which are face sheets containing important tracking and status elements.
5. Cease Unauthorized Coordination with Agencies: Reaffirm that NARA’s role is ministerial and that it has no authority to collaborate or negotiate with originating agencies on postponements, a practice that violates the independent framework of the Act.
6. Identify All Records That Were Never Reviewed by the ARRB: The comprehensive directory and index must clearly identify all records in the JFK Collection that circumvented the ARRB’s independent review.
7. Establish a Framework for the Enforcement of Remaining Withheld Records: Records that were never seen by the ARRB must be brought under the enforcement mechanisms mandated by the JFK Act. This is one of the most important enforcement matters to be undertaken by the oversight committees and is in the spirit of President Trump’s Executive Order regarding full disclosure. As a reminder, Congress has special jurisdiction over its own records, and oversight committees should call for the immediate release of all congressional records specifically identified in the Act. [3] Going forward, any newly discovered records must be expeditiously transmitted to NARA, included in the Collection, and publicly disclosed as required by section 2(b)(2) of the Act.
8. Enforce Congressional Oversight: Call on the designated House and Senate committees to finally exercise their “continuing oversight jurisdiction” as mandated in sections 4(e) and 7(l)(1) of the Act.
9. Hold NARA Accountable: The Task Force should require the Archivist or senior NARA staff to testify and account for a) why the FDNs remain hidden and not fully enforced; and b) what steps are being taken to create the legally required public directory and index. Limited audit procedures should be applied to ensure that every Assassination Record handled by the ARRB is now present in the publicly available Collection housed at NARA.
10. Withhold Final Certification: The Final Report must state clearly that the Archivist cannot certify the JFK Collection as complete and fully disclosed to the public under section 12(b) of the Act until all FDNs are released, a full public directory and index is published, and all records are made available in accordance with the law.
We strongly urge the Task Force to address these fundamental problems in the operation of the JFK Act. The lack of oversight has already caused inexcusable harm. Your diligence in addressing these matters in the Final Report will greatly strengthen the endorsement and support from a broad coalition of influential researchers and the public.
To ensure the Final Report achieves the full promise of the Act, we formally request a meeting to discuss these critical issues of statutory compliance and oversight. We are prepared to make ourselves available to collaborate in any way that would be helpful, as you prepare your final recommendations.
Thank you for your historic work and your consideration of these vital matters.
Sincerely,

Jeff Crudele, Andrew Iler and Mark Adamczyk
Cc (email only):
U.S. Senator Rick Scott
U.S. House Rep. James Comer
The Honorable John R. Tunheim
U.S. House Rep. Tim Burchett
U.S. House Rep. Eric Burlison
U.S. House Rep. Elijah Crane
William Christian
Jake Greenberg————
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Sections 4(e) and 7(l)(1) specifically state the oversight jurisdiction of the House and Senate committees. These committees have jurisdiction over the JFK Collection as a whole, and also over the disposition of postponed records after the termination of the ARRB and records held or created by the ARRB.
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A February 10, 1992 CIA memo, titled “Survey of CIA’s Records from House Selection Committee on Assassinations Investigation”, further demonstrates an intention to circumvent an independent review and declassification process for sensitive records transmitted to NARA. This CIA memo can be viewed at the following link: https://www.archives.gov/files/research/jfk/releases/2021/docid-32404131.pdf.
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This includes without limitation the records of the Church Committee, Pike Committee, and House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA).
[Editor’s note: page footnotes convert to endnotes for web presentation]
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Review of RFK Legacy film
Sean Stone and Rob Wilson: RFK Legacy
Rob Wilson produced JFK Revisited for director Oliver Stone. He has now produced RFK Legacy for director Sean Stone, Oliver’s son. This new documentary seems to me to be unique in its field. Because it deals with three Kennedys: John Kennedy, Robert Kennedy and Robert Kennedy Jr. And the concentration is on Senator Robert Kennedy: his life, and also his assassination.
It begins with Robert Kennedy announcing that he is running for president in 1968. It then briefly deals with three primaries in that race: Indiana, Oregon–the first election a Kennedy lost– and the triumph in California on June 4th over Senatorial rival Eugene McCarthy. We see RFK at the podium reciting his now iconic (and final) public phrase, “On to Chicago and let’s win there.” The film then cuts to the aftermath of that victory: the utter shock, disbelief and hysteria of the crowd as some of them see, and the rest of them learn, that RFK has been assassinated. Recall, this is just two months after the murder of Martin Luther King in Memphis. And it is the second Kennedy to be assassinated in five years. The grief at what had just happened at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles was almost palpable. The Jungian consciousness behind it all was this: it was the premature burial of the sixties.
The film follows as RFK’s body was transported from California to a requiem at St. Patrick’s Cathedral in New York, as that was the state from which he was senator. To make the passing of the era even more symbolic, on that plane were not just Ethel Kennedy, but both Jackie Kennedy and Coretta King. Bobby Kennedy had paid a large part of the cost for King’s funeral in April. And the night of King’s murder, he gave what was probably his finest speech—one which prevented Indianapolis from going up in flames, as almost every other major city in America had. Jackie Kennedy strongly objected to RFK running for president. She feared that what had happened to her husband would happen to him. He had become the substitute father to her children.
What then followed the service was the train ride from New York City to the burial at Arlington Cemetery in Washington, DC. Arthur Schlesinger was on that train. He had originally thought Bobby was a lesser candidate than Jack. He had since changed his mind. At the end, he thought RFK would make an even greater president than his brother. One reason was that he had become more radical than Jack. He wrote in his diary, “We have now murdered the three men who, more than any other, incarnated the idealism of America in our time.” He pledged never to get this close to any other such candidate. It was too tragic. (David Margolick, The Promise and the Dream, pp. 385-86)
The film flashes back to RFK’s career with commentators like Lisa Pease in the present and Ed Murrow from the past. We see a young Robert Kennedy as lead counsel for the McClellan Committee going up against the likes of Jimmy Hoffa and, later, Sam Giancana. Members of the press now pronounced Kennedy “ruthless’ for exposing the Cosa Nostra so relentlessly. Which is something that J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI were reluctant to do.
When his brother won the presidency, RFK continued his crusade against organized crime as Attorney General. He also, like no other previous AG, pursued the breaking down of segregation in the South and civil rights for African Americans. Further, as the film shows, it was RFK who exposed to JFK that the CIA had deceived him about the Bay of Pigs operation. They knew it could not succeed without Pentagon support. In fact, they knew it would fail. But they thought JFK would commit American power to salvage it. He did not. Therefore, JFK fired Allen Dulles, Deputy Director Charles Cabell, and Director of Plans Dick Bissell.
This split with the Agency was made worse by the fact that the CIA had secretly contracted out with three members of the Cosa Nostra—John Rosselli, Sam Giancana, and Santo Trafficante—to assassinate Fidel Castro. This is after RFK had ordered a full court press on organized crime, and ordered an almost total surveillance over Giancana. When the FBI (accidentally) discovered these plots and informed Bobby about them, he asked for a briefing by the CIA. The Agency told him the plots had stopped. They had not. And the Agency knew they had not when they lied to him about it.
By midway through 1961, Bobby became an advisor to JFK on foreign policy. During the Missile Crisis, there was no one more trusted by the president than Bobby. When there was true fear of having to resort to the Greenbrier Underground Shelter –which the film depicts—President Kennedy opted for the blockade alternative. For which he was harshly criticized, especially by the Joint Chiefs. When the Russians communicated a truce agreement, it was RFK who advised his brother on the terms to accept.
As the film notes, after the double assassinations of JFK and then Oswald, Bobby Kennedy began a metamorphosis. He now became a gentler, kinder, more sensitive politician and person. This was typified by his visits to Mississippi at the request of Marian Edelman, and to California for Cesar Chavez. (I was personally told by the late Paul Schrade that it was Cesar’s idea to approach RFK on this.)
In keeping with the title of the film, we now shift to RFK Jr. He consciously followed his father’s footsteps by first attending Harvard and then the University of Virginia School of Law. He developed a chronic drug problem after his father’s death, which included running away from home. He was eventually arrested for heroin possession in South Dakota. As part of his probation, he worked for the conservation group the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC). It was that experience which transformed him into an environmental lawyer of the first rank.
Some of his successful crusades were his legal actions over pollution of the Hudson River, during which he joined the Riverkeepers group, which had started with fisherman John Cronin. It was this longstanding Hudson River campaign which many feel was the real beginning of the environmental movement in the USA. Kennedy also took on Monsanto and General Electric. He became well known in New York and was featured on the cover of several popular magazines for saving the Hudson River from becoming a cesspool. New York magazine captioned him as “The Kennedy Who Matters”. He wrote a book called Crimes Against Nature, railing against George W. Bush’s environmental policies. This and his speech at the Democratic Convention in 2004 got him interviews with Jon Stewart and then Stephen Colbert. He was so in demand that he was doing almost 200 speeches per year.
The film deals with what eventually caused the MSM to turn on Kennedy. It began with his campaign against mercury in pollution and the fact that it was in some vaccines wrapped in a preservative called thimerosal. He was not the only person to warn about this. Congressman Frank Pallone had done so in 1997. The film also features people like psychologist Sarah Bridges, actress Grace Hightower and essayist Lyn Redwood on the issue. I am not qualified to render any kind of definitive judgment on the subject, so I will not.
The film then deals with the other issue that turned the MSM against Robert Kennedy Jr. That would be his view of the assassinations of his uncle and then his father. As the film shows, RFK Jr. was first suspicious about his uncle’s death. This was based on the murder of Oswald by Jack Ruby. He could not understand why Ruby did what he did in public and in front of TV cameras. He later found out that Ruby was much more than just a patriotic strip club owner. At this point in the film, Sean Stone brings in David Talbot, who does a very nice job describing what happened when RFK heard the news from J. Edgar Hoover that his brother was dead. He immediately suspected a conspiracy, as Talbot described in the early part of his book, Brothers.
RFK could not stay for the rest of the LBJ term. So after he, Thomas Kuchel and Hubert Humphrey got his brother’s civil rights bill through the Senate, he departed. (As Clay Risen shows in his book The Bill of the Century, what LBJ did on this bill has been greatly exaggerated.) As senator from New York, Kennedy became what author Edward Schmitt called the President of the Other America. He was there for the poor, the young, and the downtrodden.
He was obviously the candidate to run against Johnson in 1968. After all, as he himself told Daniel Ellsberg, his brother’s policy would not have allowed Vietnam to escalate as under Johnson. (Ellsberg at Harvard JFK seminar in 1993). As Talbot states, by 1968, RFK was going to run on civil rights, poverty and withdrawing from Vietnam. Contrary to popular belief, and as revealed by author Jules Witcover in his book 85 Days, Kennedy had decided before the New Hampshire primary that he would run. McCarthy’s strong showing in that primary, plus the devastating Tet Offensive, forced Johnson out. As Witcover notes, Johnson would have lost in Wisconsin. And he knew that.
The film closes with two powerful strophes. First is President Kennedy’s advocacy for Rachel Carson. Specifically in her battle against DDT and other pesticides in her 1962 classic Silent Spring. Carson had attended the May 1962 White House conference on conservation. And she testified before JFK’s Science Advisory Committee. She was battling breast cancer at the time, and she passed on in April of 1964. She was viciously attacked by the chemical companies, but she stood her ground.
The second strophe is the assassination of Robert Kennedy. Robert Kennedy Jr admits that he had accepted the orthodoxy on this case until he talked to Paul Schrade. Schrade was one of the victims of the shooting at the Ambassador Hotel that night. When the trajectory of the bullet that hit him was explained, he knew that the LAPD was passing horse manure. He eventually convinced Bobby to read Thomas Noguchi’s autopsy report. That did it for RFK Jr. Thankfully, Sean Stone features Lisa Pease in this last segment. There is no better authority on the RFK murder than Lisa. And her book, A Lie Too Big to Fail, is mandatory reading for anyone interested in that case. Stone’s closing twenty minutes or so is quite pointed intellectually and well done artistically. Kudos should also go to Oliver Stone, who did the face-to-face interview with RFK Jr., editor Kurt Mattila, composer Jeff Beal and cinematographer Egor Povolotsky.
I would recommend viewing the film to our readers. It is being streamed at Angel.com (https://www.angel.com/blog/rfk-legacy/posts/where-to-watch-rfk-legacy).
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Gary Aguilar’s Rebuttal to Robert Wagner
Gary Aguilar Rebuts Robert Wagner
By Gary L. Aguilar, MD
Self-described “open-minded” Bob Wagner’s riposte (click here) to my review of his book is a showcase of how closed the minds of Warren Commission loyalists are to evidence that threatens J. Edgar Hoover’s no conspiracy verdict. The imperious and notoriously corrupt Bureau Chief, who instilled fear in all, including the Warren Commissioners and LBJ,[1] pronounced Oswald the sole assassin within hours of the ex-marine’s arrest. [2] He controlled the investigation, pressing his remarkable epiphany on the public[3] as well as on the hapless Warren Commissioners whom he cowed. (“[N]ot one of its seven members had any investigative experience.”[4]) The Commissioners bent the knee, as the Church Committee and the House Select Committee later determined.[5] With good reason.
Hoover had them file-checked them for “derogatory information.” Commissioner Gerald Ford spied for Hoover and helped him block Earl Warren’s preferred choice for Chief Counsel, Warren Olney.[6] The lawyer Hoover preferred, Chief Counsel J. Lee Rankin, later admitted: “Who could protest against what Mr. Hoover did back in those days?” It’s pretty clear that at the time, no one could, not the U. S. Chief Justice nor Congressmen and Senators. Assistant FBI Director William Sullivan understood how things worked: “Only if one unwritten but iron rule was unfailingly observed: The Director was always right.”[7] Predictably, the Warren Commission proved Sullivan was right.
Bob Wagner shows that, even in these days, some remain who seem unmoved by the government’s myriad, proven lies and bad faith, and I stand with Hoover’s pre-investigation epiphany. In doing so, Wagner repeatedly violates Occam’s principle that the simplest explanation – in this case, the one that requires the fewest assumptions, the fewest exceptions to the rule, the fewest leaps of faith – is most likely the correct one. Wagner shows his hostility to Lord Occam in his take on “clearly the central theme,” and the “primary point of his analysis”: the location of Kennedy’s skull wound. (Wagner’s emphasis)
Wagner relentlessly campaigns to discredit Parkland Hospital’s Dr. Robert McClelland’s sworn testimony: “[The] right posterior portion of [JFK’s] skull had been extremely blasted.”[8] His description matched those of other Parkland doctors. Wagner argued, “if Dr. McClelland, having several minutes to observe the wound, could get this wrong, why wouldn’t others do the same?”[9] (He dodged a question I’d put to him: How did the two neurosurgery professors who lifted JFK’s skull and examined the head wound also get it wrong, describing it much as McClelland and the others had?)
KENNEDY’S HEAD WOUND – WERE THE DALLAS DOCTORS WRONG?
“The large wound was on the top of the head,” Wagner insists. So, the doctors were wrong. Wagner’s proof? “Alternate substantive evidence.” (Sounds almost Trumpian.) His alternative evidence is threefold.
One: The autopsy said Kennedy’s head wound was “chiefly the parietal bone but extending somewhat into the temporal and occipital regions.”[10]
Two: A 4 x 2.5-inch skull fragment was ejected from the top of JFK’s skull and found in the limousine – the so-called “triangular” or “Delta” fragment.
Three: An autopsy photo shows what Wagner says is a bullet hole in the low, occipital bone, with missing bone above it at the top of JFK’s skull.
The Texas crew missed the damage to the top of JFK’s head. And I blew it because I never “addressed how head wound witnesses at Parkland (and Bethesda) (sic) failed to note this large area of skull missing from the top of the president’s (sic) head.” He’s wrong.
First, there’s much more about Kennedy’s head wound than Wagner’s quotes from the autopsy report. Moreover, I have discussed the obvious and common-sensical reason that both Parkland and Bethesda witnesses didn’t notice that a bone was missing from the top of JFK’s skull. He ignored it.
J. Thornton Boswell’s much-discussed “face sheet” diagram of JFK’s skull, prepared during the autopsy, is primary evidence. It’s superior to the official autopsy report that was written, rewritten, and typed up later, and which says that Kennedy’s skull defect measured “13 cm. in greatest diameter.”[11] The House Select Committee’s (HSCA) Dr. Michael Baden asked Boswell about an important discrepancy in this diagram:
Baden: “Could you explain the diagram on the back [of Boswell’s face sheet]?”
Boswell: “Well, this was an attempt to illustrate the magnitude of the [skull] wound again. And as you can see it’s 10 centimeters from right to left, 17 centimeters from posterior to anterior.”[12] (Fig. 1)

Figure 1. Dr. Boswell’s “face sheet” diagram of JFK’s skull. In the center of the image, Boswell wrote “17” and “missing,” with an arrow pointing front-to-back. He also wrote “10” next to an arrow pointing right-to-left. The official autopsy report says Kennedy’s skull defect measured “13 cm. in greatest diameter.”
How did a 17-cm skull defect on the night of the autopsy shrink in the autopsy report? Boswell told the HSCA, the Assassinations Records Review Board (ARRB), and me that JFK’s skull defect measured 17 cm at the outset of the autopsy. But after a late-arriving bone fragment was replaced into the bottom rear of JFK’s skull, into the “occiput,” the remaining gap then measured “only” 13 cm, the dimension specified in the autopsy report.[13]
Two important things follow. Not only was bone ejected from the top of JFK’s skull, the Delta fragment, but bone was also ejected from the rear, from the low, occipital bone. (Fig. 2)

Figure 2. Diagram of human skull viewed from the right side.
Secondly, JFK’s skull defect ran per force from the low, occipital bone in the skull’s rear to roughly the parietal-frontal bone region in the front. That’s what Boswell depicted on a human skull that he had marked for the ARRB. Both Boswell’s face sheet and ARRB diagrams are in sharp contrast to what the Warren Commission presented to the public, the Rydberg diagram. It depicts a small (bullet) hole in the rear of JFK’s skull in an otherwise intact plate of bone, and a skull defect that is well above that hole. (Fig. 3)

Figure 3. Left: Photo of a skull marked by Dr. Boswell depicting the size of JFK’s skull defect at autopsy.[14] Notice that the defect extends deeply into the bottom of “JFK’s” low occipital bone. Center: a two-dimensional rendering of the markings Boswell made on the human skull for the ARRB. It shows the shape and dimension of Kennedy’s skull defect at autopsy.[15]
Right: Warren Commission Exhibit 386 shows a small occipital entrance wound, which is distinct from the large right-sided skull defect. Boswell told the HSCA in 1977 and the ARRB in 1996 that the entrance hole was not in an intact plate of bone. They actually inferred it was a wound of entrance from the beveling present on a late-arriving bone fragment, which fit into a wound that was initially much larger than shown here, and which extended down to the entrance hole. (See CE # 386.[16] Also see Boswell’s HSCA interview,[17] and Dr. Boswell’s ARRB deposition, p. 79 ff.[18])
The reason Parkland’s trauma surgeons, neurosurgery professors, and autopsy witnesses said JFK’s skull wound was occipital has an obvious, simple explanation. Wagner says I never addressed this. I have, several times, starting decades ago.
“Wounds picked apart during an autopsy examination,” I wrote 25 years ago, “are often found to be larger than they first appeared to emergency personnel. In Kennedy’s case, moreover, Jackie Kennedy testified that she tried to hold the top of JFK’s head down as they raced from Dealey Plaza to Parkland Hospital. It is not hard to imagine that during the time it took the Presidential limousine to get to Parkland Hospital, a clot had formed, gluing the top portion of JFK’s disrupted scalp down, making JFK’s skull defect appear smaller to treating surgeons than it later would to autopsy surgeons.”[19]
Jackie has said as much herself. ” ’He had his hand out, I could see a piece of his skull coming off, and I can see this perfectly clean piece detaching itself from his head . . . I kept holding the top of his head down, trying to keep the brains in,’ she said on Nov. 29, 1963.[20]” (my emphasis)
In his rebuttal, Wagner offers autopsy witness FBI agent James Sibert in support of his claim that the overlooked Delta fragment proves the Dallas error. But in a taped interview, Sibert described what he saw when Kennedy’s head was unwrapped at autopsy: “… there was a sheet unwrapped off the head. There was a big gaping hole in the right rear of the head back here … .”[21] (my emphasis) (Fig. 4) Sibert also diagrammed the wound he saw for the ARRB. Sibert thus confirms that JFK’s head wound at autopsy looked eerily like, if not as large as, the wound Dr. McClelland saw at Parkland.[22] Many other autopsy witnesses described it in similar terms, and so were just as “mistaken” as Dallas neurosurgeons and the FBI Agent were.[23]

Figure 4. Left: screenshot of witness James Sibert showing where JFK’s wound was when they unwrapped his head at autopsy. Center: MD 188 – Sketch made by FBI agent James W. Sibert for the ARRB – Anatomical Drawing of Wound in President Kennedy’s Head (Executed on September 11, 1997). Right: “McClelland diagram” attested to by Dr. McClelland in 1998.
Jackie held the top of JFK’s head down on the way to Parkland; a blood clot kept his scalp down; and the full extent of his skull defect wasn’t apparent until the surgeons at Bethesda lifted his scalp to examine his huge skull defect. My reply to Wagner’s claim of: “The large wound was on the top of the head, not lower on the back of the head” is clear. Kennedy’s wound was so large that it involved both the top of his head as well as the back of his head.
But what about the autopsy photograph that shows the backside of JFK’s head intact and undamaged? Does this not prove Dr. McClelland, neurosurgeon Dr. Kemp Clark, Agent Sibert, etc., were wrong? (Fig. 5) The ARRB asked Boswell about this very photograph.
Q. Okay. Could we turn to the sixth view, which is described as “wound of entrance in right posterior occipital region”? That corresponds to black and white photos Nos. 15 and 16, and color photos Nos. 42 and 43. Do these photographs appear to you, Dr. Boswell, to be accurate representations of photographs taken during the autopsy of President Kennedy?
A. Yes.
Q. In that photograph, is the scalp of President Kennedy being pulled forward?
A. Yes.
Q. For what purpose was it being pulled forward?
A. In order to take the photograph, because if it wasn’t pulled forward, this would just–the scalp would come down and cover the wound of entrance here. And this was necessary to demonstrate the wound here. [24]
In other words, the photo of the back of JFK’s head doesn’t show the rearward extent of the head wound because JFK was lying on his left side, not upright, as his scalp was pulled forward over the back of his skull to show a bullet wound in the scalp. (Fig.5)

Figure 5. Left: Autopsy photo as it’s usually displayed. Kennedy is upright; the backside of JFK’s head is intact and undamaged. Center: diagram of the wound that Parkland’s Dr. Robert McClelland said he saw. Right: proper orientation of the photo as it was taken. JFK is lying on his left side, and an autopsist (Boswell?) is holding JFK’s rearward scalp forward over the right-rear portion of Kennedy’s skull wound.
WAGNER’S CLAIM: AN AUTOPSY PHOTO PROVES OCCIPITAL INSHOOT
Re Wagner’s last bit of ‘alternate evidence,’ an autopsy photo commonly called the ”mystery photo”. It is so badly shot and composed that many could not understand what it was. I do not accept his “special plea” that he knows what it is and what it means, when even the autopsy surgeons and the HSCA’s Forensic Pathology Panel were uncertain about its proper orientation or meaning. Besides, as I originally wrote, Dr. Pierre Finck, who held JFK’s skull in his hands, as Wagner put it, said that this is not the photo Wagner says it is.
This “mystery photo” (sic) is of the “occipital wound of entrance,” he says, “How could it be otherwise?” It’s otherwise for at least two good reasons. First, in his 1965 memo to General Blumberg, Finck wrote that “I found a through-and-through wound of the occipital bone, with a crater visible from the inside. This wound showed no crater when viewed from the outside.”[25] (my emphasis)
The wound in the photo, as I discussed in my original review, and as anyone can see, is beveling. But it’s beveled outside, not inside, and it’s plainly visible, even in this bootleg “mystery photograph.” (Fig. 6) The outside beveling makes this photo more likely one of an outshoot, not Wagner’s occipital inshoot.

Figure 6. “Mystery photo” from JFK’s autopsy.
Wagner says this “mystery photo” (taken from my slide show) shows the entrance point of a bullet low in the back of JFK’s skull, in occipital bone, the area specified in the autopsy report. The red arrow points to a semicircular notch, Wagner’s supposed entrance wound. But the “beveling” is on the outside of the skull, not the inside, where Dr. Finck said it was. This, therefore, is not the photo of the entrance wound that Finck meant.
The HSCA’s Charles Petty, MD, asked Finck: “If I understand you correctly, Dr. Finck, you wanted particularly to have a photograph made of the external aspect of the skull from the back to show that there was no cratering to the outside of the skull … Did you ever see such a photograph?” (my emphasis)
Finck: “I don’t think so and I brought with me memorandum referring to the examination of photographs in 1967… and as I can recall I never saw pictures of the outer aspect of the wound of entry in the back of the head and inner aspect in the skull in order to show a crater … I don’t remember seeing those photographs.”[26] Finck examined this photograph, which does show cratering on the outside, and he denied it was the occipital entrance photo. So how can Wagner, not a forensic pathologist, not a physician, and who wasn’t present, say that Finck, a forensic pathologist, who was there, who held JFK’s head in his hands, is wrong, and that he is right.
WAGNER AND KENNEDY’S PHYSICAL AND X-RAY EVIDENCE
Perhaps Wagner’s most desperate assaults on Lord Occam have to do with the physical evidence: Kennedy’s response to the shot that killed him, and the autopsy X-rays. By his lights, what we see happen to JFK’s head, what we see in the Zapruder film, and what’s visible in JFK’s X-rays, mesh smoothly with Hoover’s scenario. They don’t.
Put simply, we know from government duplication experiments done for the Warren Commission that, when human skulls are struck with Mannlicher ammo, they move differently than JFK’s did; the skull injuries are vastly different; and the X-ray findings are worlds apart. I ran through them in detail in my original review.
Briefly:
High-speed photos show that when struck with MCC rounds in the government’s tests, 10 out of 10 skulls moved away from the shooter, not back toward the shooter as Wagner argues Kennedy’s did. The photos also show that, like all “closed vessels,” the first reaction to bullet penetration is an explosion back out through the point of entrance.[27] Milliseconds later, there’s a burst through the outshoot on the opposite side of the skull, or “closed vessel.” (JFK’s skull showed no such rearward ejecta in the Z film.) Shot in accordance with the official theory, the test skull’s right forehead, entire right orbit, and right cheek were blown away. JFK suffered no such injuries.
There’s no small irony that the official experiments intended to “duplicate” what happened when Oswald shot JFK not only failed, they pretty much proved Oswald didn’t do it. (Fig. 7) The pictures below illustrate what I said about ejecta and facial damage.

JFK’s X-rays can’t keep Wagner’s ship afloat. A test skull shot with a Carcano round showed no “dust-like,” no “snowstorm,” of minuscule fragments. Wagner’s own expert, Larry Sturdivan, testified in detail why: jacketed bullets like Oswald’s don’t leave a “snowstorm” of minuscule fragments after blasting through bone.[28]
But in fact, there is a “snowstorm” of minuscule bullet fragments in the right front quadrant of JFK’s skull X-ray. They are clearly visible in JFK’s original, unenhanced X-rays, and their existence in that location was attested to by expert radiologists.[29] But they’re blotted out and are not visible in the poor quality, “enhanced” films available to the public.
Moreover, jacketed shells like Oswald’s don’t deviate much from their original flight path. Why? Because, as Larry Sturdivan testified, the jacketed “Mannlicher-Carcano bullet is much more stable, the yaw begins to grow much more slowly (than non-jacketed, military rounds do) … .”[30] (my emphasis)
Wagner asks us to believe that Oswald shot downward toward JFK’s receding skull, striking it low with a jacketed slug. It was then somehow deflected way upward to the top of JFK’s skull, leaving fragments high in the skull. (Figs.7&8)

Figure 8. Left: Sturdivan reproduced an X-ray of a test skull shot with a Mannlicher round at the Biophysics Lab.[31] The fragments are small, but not “dust-like.” Not like the “snowstorm” of fragments visible in the right-front quadrant of Kennedy’s still-secret, original and unenhanced, lateral X-ray. (Which is evidence JFK was killed with a non-jacketed bullet. For “dust-like” fragments are quickly stopped by brain tissue, and so lodge close to the point of entry.) Moreover, the test skull’s fragment trail closely follows a low, little-deviated flight path across the skull, precisely as Larry Sturdivan said happens with MCC rounds.
* Right: JFK’s “enhanced” lateral X-ray: small fragments are visible only along the top of the skull. Wagner says that, unlike the test skull, Oswald’s bullet was fired downward, struck JFK’s skull low, then popped up to the top of his skull, broke apart, and blew out of the right side of his head.
MOMENTUM – WHAT DROVE KENNEDY “BACK AND TO THE LEFT”?
Wagner offers no explanation for JFK’s rearward lunge. Except a “grassy knoll” shot did not do it. Why? Because JFK’s body is visibly “lifted against gravity” after Z-313. It’s something that Kennedy’s rearward head movement could not have accomplished. (He carefully avoids admitting it, but if not “momentum transfer” from a “grassy knoll” shot, his sole remaining pro-Hoover explanation for the rearward lunge is a “neuromuscular” reaction, one that lacks medical/scientific foundation, and that has been debunked.[32])
The proof Wagner is wrong is in the Zapruder film. The motion of JFK’s head appears to have been enough to pull his back along with it. For as JFK’s head moves, so does his upper body, and it does so in two different directions. Following Z-327, when an acoustics- and Z-film-corroborated shot hit him from behind, Kennedy’s head lunges frontward and his back moves forward with it. The opposite thing happens after Z-313: his head flies backward, and his back follows. So just as JFK’s back is “lifted against gravity” backward when his head jolts rearward after Z-313, his back is similarly “lifted against gravity” forward as the President’s head ploughs ahead after Z-327. (Fig. 9)

Figure 9. Kennedy’s “upper body” is “lifted against gravity” backward by the motion of his head after Z-313, just as it is similarly “lifted against gravity” forward after Z-327. (Image taken from a PowerPoint slide.)
THE “DEBRIS FIELD”
Josiah Thompson, Dr. Doug Desalles and I have repeatedly pointed out that the “debris field” – the region toward which most of Kennedy’s skull and brain matter flew – was “back and to the left” of Kennedy, consistent with a shot from the grassy knoll. Wagner counters that some “human matter” was also located forward of JFK. He’s right on that.
The explosion of JFK’s head at Z-313 would likely have sent some debris forward. As previously shown (Fig.7), some debris flies back toward the shooter when any closed vessel is struck. But most of the debris from the Z-312-313 shot clearly flew back to the left. Some of the forward-driven material likely flew due to a bullet strike to JFK’s head from the rear at Z-327-8. That strike drove JFK’s head and upper body rapidly forward after Z-327. It also abruptly changed the anterior-top portion of his skull, driving the “debris” that is seen falling down across his face a half-second later. High-quality Z-frames make this clear. (Fig. 10)
As final, corroborative points, an acoustics waveform suggested a shot was fired from behind at Z-327-8. And Z-frames 331 and 332 are “jiggled,” which fulfills the Alvarez-proposed, 3-frame delay for the sound of an Oswald shot at Z-327-8 to reach Zapruder and jostle his camera.[33]

Figure 10. Between Z-frame 327 and 337, Kennedy’s head is driven swiftly forward and downward; his back follows. The anterior portion of his head changes dramatically, and debris can be seen spilling down across his face. (If he was struck from behind at Z-327, why is there no rearward gush of ejecta seen as occurred in the government’s skull shooting tests, Fig. 7? Simply, by Z-327 the President’s skull was no longer a “closed vessel.”)
THE MAGIC BULLET – COMMISSION EXHIBIT #399
Wagner tries to salvage the dubious bona fides of the so-called “magic bullet” by eliding key facts. First, the FBI lied in Commission Exhibit #2011 when it reported that Parkland employees Tomlinson and Wright claimed #399 resembled the bullet they found on 11.22.63.[34] They never said that. The early, and only, report from the Bureau’s Dallas field office in 1964 reported that neither Tomlinson nor Wright could identify #399. Period. And, as Wagner admits, in 1966 O.P. Wright handed Thompson a bullet from his own desk that he said looked like the bullet they’d found. It had a pointed tip, not at all like the round-tipped #399. (As a former Dallas Sheriff, he would have known the difference.)
The FBI also lied, claiming that it was agent Bardwell Odum who had gotten the Tomlinson-Wright admission that there was a bullet resemblance. In person, in his own living room, Odum emphatically denied to Thompson and me that he’d gotten any such admission. He never talked with Tomlinson and Wright, or had #399 in his possession. The Bureau’s own internal records back up Odum’s unequivocal denials to us. Odum’s name is nowhere to be found in any FBI files regarding #399, according to searches done by skeptics as well as by the government.
It should not be ignored that #399 is “magical” in other ways as well. It’s supposed to have passed through JFK’s jacket and shirt on the way in, through his neck, his shirt again on the way out. It then nicked his tie, tore through Governor Connally’s jacket and shirt, blew completely through his chest, breaking a rib, and out through his shirt. Then it passed, butt-first, backward through the governor’s wrist, transected his trousers, before finally lodging in his leg, only later to fall out. And yet there are no fabric striations on the unblemished nose of #399. Nor is there any residuum of blood or tissue on this negligibly deformed missile. And it’s skeptics who are fools for not buying this?
ACOUSTICS
As I pointed out in my review, Wagner says that one should trust authorities “who are truly expert in the field in which they offer opinions.” He didn’t do that with the acoustics, nor with much else for that matter. The U.S. Justice Department didn’t either. Wagner omits any mention of a well-known, acoustics-related scandal.
When the HSCA went out of business, two of the committee members appropriately recommended that the pro-conspiracy acoustic evidence needed to be reexamined. They specified that acoustics experts should do the restudy.[35] As I discussed in my review, in typical fashion, the Justice Department ignored the HSCA’s directive. Justice first turned to a Bureau agent, B. E. Koenig, whose credentials consisted of his completing a quickie “Gee Whiz!” course in acoustics. His paper “refuting” the HSCA’s acoustics was promptly debunked and discredited.[36]
DOJ then turned to Nobel Prize winner, Luis Alvarez. He’d previously put out a false scientific finding that pleased the Carter Administration. His work on the so-called Vela incident proved nothing except that he could be relied upon to uphold a necessary government myth. [37][38]
U.S. officials needed a fixer for the acoustics. But Alvarez didn’t chair the reexamination. Instead, he arranged the panel. The selectees were all physicists known to Alvarez. None had any acoustics training or expertise. Not even the chair, Harvard’s Norman Ramsey, with whom Alvarez had long collaborated on prior government projects. He also picked Richard Garwin and F. Williams Sarles, both trusted alumni of Alvarez’s Vela fiasco. It was like picking pediatricians to do a hip replacement, except that the pediatricians I have personally known would never do what Alvarez and his appointees did.
Alvarez sat in and worked closely with his “Ramsey Panel,” and, lo and behold, they disproved the HSCA’s acoustics! Wagner shows no concern about this arrangement: progovernment, anticonspiracist Alvarez hand-picked non-experts who issued a progovernment opinion in a field in which they had no experience or expertise, and which supposedly disproved the findings of government-appointed scientists with proven experience and expertise. And it’s skeptics who are fools for not buying this?
Conclusion
A reasonable corollary of Lord Occam’s principle might be to reject a complex theory that requires suspending disbelief and embracing complex improbabilities if there is a simpler, less complex, less improbable theory that requires less suspension of disbelief. The evidence is so against Wagner that he asks us to suspend disbelief and accept complex improbabilities.
- That numerous percipient trauma surgeons, neurosurgery professors, FBI agent eye witnesses were wrong that Kennedy had a rearward skull wound;
- That nonphysician Wagner is right that the “mystery photo” in Fig. 6 is Kennedy’s occipital entrance wound from Oswald’s fatal bullet, and that JFK’s examining forensic pathologist Finck, who said it isn’t, is wrong;
- That JFK’s head flew backward toward Oswald’s rifle when all 10 test skulls that were similarly fired upon in government tests flew away from the shooter;
- That Oswald’s bullet entered Kennedy’s skull low on a downward trajectory, yet was wildly deflected upward. Which is in defiance of the expressed claims of Wagner’s experienced, government ballistics expert, Larry Sturdivan, whose opinion was confirmed in a government duplication test that showed that a Mannlicher shell was not deflected as it passed through a human skull;
- That Oswald’s jacketed MCC bullet left a “snowstorm” of minuscule fragments in the right front quadrant of JFK’s head when “snowstorms” in X-rays are not seen with jacketed bullets, but only with non-jacketed rounds. [Nor was a “snowstorm” seen in the X-ray of a test skull shot with an MCC shell in a government test. (Fig.8)]
- That the “debris field” that flew back to the left of JFK, and the skull fragments that flew leftward, were all driven backward and leftward by Oswald’s bullet that supposedly entered the right rear of Kennedy’s skull and blew out of the right front part of his head;
- That there is nothing noteworthy about the fact that none of the first four people in the chain of possession of the Parkland stretcher bullet were later able to identify #399 as that same bullet. Nor is it noteworthy that the FBI lied about #399 in official records. Nor that there was neither the marking of the shell’s having passed through fabric nor any tissue residues on the near-pristine bullet that is supposed to have been so destructive of fabric, flesh and bone;
- That a group of untrained, acoustics-ignorant physicists, appointed by an acoustics-ignorant, proven government toady and anticonspiracist (Luis Alvarez), definitively debunked the findings of three of the most highly regarded acoustics authorities in the country.
- That the debunked “neuromuscular reaction” and/or “jet effect” explain(s) Kennedy’s rearward lunge, and that the momentum imparted to JFK’s skull from a grassy knoll shot does not.
For Wagner, it’s always, well, under normal circumstances, a, b, c, … x, y, and z do not happen. But this time it’s different. As improbable as it may seem, folks, in this unique case, all these unlikely things did happen, and they happened just the way the government said they did … . And it’s the skeptics who are fools for not buying this? Well, we don’t buy it. Because we have long had a far less complicated theory than J. Edgar Hoover about what happened in Dealey Plaza. And it’s one that fits the evidence and is not in defiance of it. It explains things like JFK’s rearward lunge, which an Oswald shot does not; it explains things like ejecta backward; why the motorcycle cops were hit with blood and tissue while riding to JFK’s right; why there is a snowstorm of dust-like bullet fragments in the right front of Kennedy’s forehead. I could go on and on with this, but I think the reader gets the point by now.
If the government had been telling us the truth all along, there’d have been no need for intimidating witnesses, for destroying evidence, and for continuing to withhold evidence to this day.
So why does Wagner remain faithful to those who have endlessly lied and acted in such extraordinarily bad faith? How many more proven official malefactions would it take to shake his faith? I keep thinking of something Jeff Morley pointed out that’s worth repeating:
“In civil law, when one party does not disclose evidence in its possession, a jury is allowed to draw an adverse inference that the missing information destroyed or not produced was unfavorable.” Now, 60+ years after Kennedy was assassinated, it’s more than fair to draw the adverse inference that the missing information destroyed or not produced by the FBI, the CIA,[39] and the Secret Service was unfavorable to the government’s claim Oswald acted alone.[40]
One might have hoped that the government’s proven dishonesty and bad faith in the Kennedy case, which Jim Dieugenio, Jeff Morley, and others have shown have no limit and no end, would force a reckoning among Warren loyalists. There’s little doubt but that it has, among some. But from what he’s written in his books and in his riposte, it seems that there’s nothing that’s likely to ever shake Bob Wagner’s “patriotic” faith. And it’s skeptics who are fools for not buying this?
Click here to read the article by Robert Wagner that Gary Aguilar is responding to.
Editor’s note: Robert Wagner and Gary Aguilar have both been given space on this site to present their latest retorts on this ongoing debate. At this point, we have no plans to publish further discussion between the two researchers regarding this debate.
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Curt Gentry. J. Edgar Hoover – the Man and the Secrets. New York. W.W. Norton & Co., 1991, p. 553, and p. 558. (Hoover kept a file on LBJ.)
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See Hoover memo from 11.22.63 saying Oswald was the culprit: https://www.maryferrell.org/showDoc.html?docId=62251#relPageId=97
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JFK assassination files: Hoover said FBI must “convince the public” Oswald acted alone. CBS News. https://www.cbsnews.com/news/jfk-assassination-files-hoover-said-fbi-must-convince-the-public-oswald-acted-alone/
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Curt Gentry. J. Edgar Hoover – the Man and the Secrets. New York. W.W. Norton & Co., 1991, p. 548 and p. 553.
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See: Aguilar G. Warren Commission Counsels Burt Griffin and Howard Willens Attempt the Impossible: Shoring up the Tottering Credibility of Earl Warren’s Investigation. https://www.kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-articles/warren-commission-counsels-burt-griffin-and-howard-willens-attempt-the-impossible-shoring-up-the-tottering-credibility-of-earl-warren-s-investigation
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Sources at: Aguilar G. Warren Commission Counsels Burt Griffin and Howard Willens Attempt the Impossible: Shoring up the Tottering Credibility of Earl Warren’s Investigation https://www.kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-articles/warren-commission-counsels-burt-griffin-and-howard-willens-attempt-the-impossible-shoring-up-the-tottering-credibility-of-earl-warren-s-investigation
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Gerald D. McKnight. Breach of Trust – How the Warren Commission Failed the Nation and Why. Lawrence, Kansas: Kansas University Press, 2005, p. 150.
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Warren Commission testimony of Robert McClelland, Hearings Vol. 6, p. 33. Hereafter 6H33.
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Wagner, R. JFK Assassisnated – In the Courtroom Debating the Critical Research Community. Mill City Press, 2023, p. 210.
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Warren Commission Exhibit #387, Autopsy Report and Supplemental Report, p. 3. https://aarclibrary.org/publib/jfk/wc/wr/pdf/WR_A9_AutopsyReport.pdf
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Warren Commission Exhibit #387, Autopsy Report and Supplemental Report, p. 3. https://aarclibrary.org/publib/jfk/wc/wr/pdf/WR_A9_AutopsyReport.pdf
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House Select Committee (HSCA) testimony of J. Thornton Boswell, MD. V7:253 https://history-matters.com/archive/jfk/hsca/reportvols/vol7/html/HSCA_Vol7_0132a.htm
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HSCA memo of conversation with J. T. Boswell, HSCA record # 180-10093-10430-, agency file number 002071, p. 6. Also reproduced in ARRB Medical Document #26, see p. 6. See also my discussion of this 33 years ago:
Aguilar G, Cunningham K. HOW FIVE INVESTIGATIONS INTO JFK’S MEDICAL/AUTOPSY EVIDENCE GOT IT WRONG – DISCUSSION. https://history-matters.com/essays/jfkmed/How5Investigations/How5InvestigationsGotItWrong_6.htm
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Image available at: Mantik D. The Omissions and Miscalculations of Nicholas Nalli
https://www.kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-articles/the-omissions-and-miscalculations-of-nicholas-nalli
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ARRB Master Set of Medical Exhibits, MD 29. https://history-matters.com/archive/jfk/arrb/master_med_set/md209/html/md209_0001a.htm
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https://history-matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh16/html/WH_Vol16_0501a.htm
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HSCA V. 7:246. https://history-matters.com/archive/jfk/hsca/reportvols/vol7/html/HSCA_Vol7_0128b.htm
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https://history-matters.com/archive/jfk/arrb/medical_testimony/Boswell_2-26-96/html/Boswell_0045b.htm
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Aguilar G. The Converging Medical Case for Conspiracy in the Death of JFK. In: Fetzer J, ed. Murder in Dealey Plaza, Part III. Chicago: Catfeet Press, 2000, p. 187.
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Seattle Times, May 27, 1995. Jackie’s Memories Of JFK’s Death — In 1963 Interview, She Talked Of Seeing Husband Shot. https://archive.seattletimes.com/archive/19950527/2123253/jackies-memories-of-jfks-death—-in-1963-interview-she-talked-of-seeing-husband-shot
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h7cimeXvqLA
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https://aarclibrary.org/publib/jfk/arrb/master_med_set/md188/html/md188_0001a.htm
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See my 1994 compilation of witness statements: JOHN F. KENNEDY’S FATAL WOUNDS: THE WITNESSES AND THE INTERPRETATIONS FROM 1963 TO THE PRESENT http://assassinationweb.com/ag6.htm
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ARRB testimony of J. Thornton Boswell, p. 160-161. https://www.jfk-assassination.net/russ/testimony/boswella.htm
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MD 28 – Reports From Lt. Col Finck to Gen. Blumberg (1/25/65 and 2/1/65). See Summary page: https://aarclibrary.org/publib/jfk/arrb/master_med_set/md28/html/Image19.htm
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HSCA testimony of Pierre Finck, MD. https://www.jfk-assassination.net/russ/testimony/finckhsca.htm
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Besides the photos from the government’s Biophysics Lab, a posted video of extremely high speed videos of eggs being shot with bullets that repeatedly show that the first egress of debris exits the point of entrance. See “Cory Santos” videos posted online in an “Education Forum” discussion of “jet effect.” https://educationforum.ipbhost.com/topic/27768-video-destroying-the-jet-effect/
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See: Aguilar G. Is Robert Wagner the New Paul Hoch? – Part 2, “Snowstorm.” https://www.kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-articles/is-robert-wagner-the-new-paul-hoch-part-2
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See: Aguilar G. The X-Ray Evidence: Enhanced vs Unenhanced. In: Is Robert Wagner the New Paul Hoch? – Part 2 https://www.kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-articles/is-robert-wagner-the-new-paul-hoch-part-2
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Sturdivan, L. Testimony HSCA Vol. 1:394. https://aarclibrary.org/publib/jfk/hsca/reportvols/vol1/pdf/HSCA_Vol1_0908_3_Sturdivan.pdf
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Sturdivan, L S. The JFK Myths. St. Paul. MN. Paragon House, 2005, p. 173.
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* See: Aguilar G, Wecht CH. Dr. Nalli and Neuromuscular Reaction. In: Nicholas Nalli and the JFK Case, Part 2. https://www.kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-articles/nicholas-nalli-and-the-jfk-case-part-2
* See: Aguilar G, Wecht CH. AFTE Journal — Volume 47 Number 3 — Summer 2015, p. 134-135. Available here: https://www.kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-reviews/nova-s-cold-case-jfk-junk-science-pbs
* See: Aguilar G. Wecht CH. AFTE Journal — Volume 48 Number 2 — Spring 2016, p. 72. Available here: https://www.kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-reviews/nova-s-cold-case-jfk-junk-science-pbs
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Alvarez J. A physicist examines the Kennedy assassination film. Am. J. Physics, V.4, # 9. Sept. 1976. https://aarclibrary.org/publib/jfk/hsca/reportvols/vol1/pdf/HSCA_Vol1_0908_4_Alvarez.pdf
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See Commission Exhibit #2011: https://www.history-matters.com/essays/frameup/EvenMoreMagical/images/Slide2.GIF
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* HSCA Final Report, p. 486. https://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/hsca/report/pdf/HSCA_Report_4_Remarks.pdf
* DISSENTING VIEWS BT HON. ROBERT W. EDGAR TO THE FINAL REPORT, p. 499. https://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/hsca/report/pdf/HSCA_Report_4_Remarks.pdf
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* Koenig, BE. Acoustic Gunshot Analysis – The Kennedy Assassination and Beyond (Conclusion) https://www.ojp.gov/ncjrs/virtual-library/abstracts/acoustic-gunshot-analysis-kennedy-assassination-and-beyond
* Thompson. J. Last Second in Dallas. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 2023, p. 275-300.
* See also memo from HSCA Chief Counsel, Robert Blakey, to the FBI’s William Webster dated 4.2/1981 that included a technical refutation of FBI Agent Koenig’s acoustics analysis written by James Barger and the acoustics authorities at Bold, Beranak and Newman, Inc. Cambridge, Mass: http://jfk.hood.edu/Collection/FBI Records/062-117290/062-117290 Volume 25/62-117290P25b.pdf
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Thompson. J. Last Second in Dallas. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 2023.
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* https://scienceandglobalsecurity.org/archive/sgs25wright.pdf
* Thompson. J. Last Second in Dallas. Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 2023, p. 280-284.
*See also” “The Vela Incident Nuclear Test or Meteoroid? Documents Show Significant Disagreement with Presidential Panel Concerning Cause of September 22, 1979 Vela “Double-Flash” Detection.” National Security Archives, 5/5/2006. Available here: https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB190/index.htm
*A good summary of government evidence proving a nuclear blast in the Vela Incident is available in: Report on the 1979 Vela Incident. Available here. [“(Investigative journalist Seymour) Hersh reports interviewing several members of the Nuclear Intelligence Panel (NIP), which had conducted their own investigation of the event. Those interviewed included its leader Donald M. Kerr, Jr. and eminent nuclear weapons program veteran Harold M. Agnew. The NIP members concluded unanimously that it was a definite nuclear test. Another member—Louis H. Roddis, Jr.—concluded that ‘the South African-Israeli test had taken place on a barge, or on one of the islands in the South Indian Ocean archipelago.’” [Hersh 1991; pg. 280-281. Available here. He also cited internal CIA estimates made in 1979 and 1980 which concluded that it had been a nuclear test. “The U.S. Naval Research Laboratory conducted a comprehensive analysis, including the hydroacoustic data, and issued a 300-page report concluding that there had been a nuclear event near Prince Edward Island or Antarctica [Albright 1994b].”
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CIA Hid Key Oswald Ties from JFK Investigators, New Docs Confirm
July 14, 2025 https://rockymountainvoice.com/2025/07/14/cia-hid-key-oswald-ties-from-jfk-investigators-new-docs-confirm/